Valentinov životni put, kao i život cijele njegove generacije u Hrvata, bio je ispleten više trnjem nego ružama, ali on je uz sve (ne)prilike proživio vrlo uspješan i sretan ljutski život.

Valentin je rodjen u Sarajevu od roditelja Andrije i Jake Ivanković, koji su podrijetlom iz sela Trebižat u Hercegovini. Poslije osnovne škole, pohadjao je Drugu drzavnu gimnaziju u Sarajevu i maturirao. Kasnije se doškolovao u Italiji, a u Americi je završio višu komercionalnu školu.

Na koncu Drugog svjetskog rata Valentin se našao sa stotinama tisuća drugih Hrvata na povlačenju prema Austriji.  Ali za razliku od većine, on je imao sreću i izvukao se živ, te stigao u Italiju. Kao mlad i sposoban čojvek dao se na rad oko pomaganja izbjeglicama.  U Hrvatskom zavodu sv. Jeronima susreo je, medju ostalim hrvatskim svećenicima, Monsignora Antu Golika, koji mu je povjerio tajništvo ureda za izbjeglice iz tkzv. Istočne Europe.

Godine 1947. Valentin stiže u Ameriku i dolazi u Los Angeles. Nije gubio vrijeme, nego se dao na posao i doškolovanje.  Medju ostalim, radio je 40 godina za veliku trgovačku kuću S.H. Kress.  Njegova sposobnost, marljivost i profesionalizam dovele su ga do mjesta predsjednika Kress-a na zapadnoj strani Amerike, kao i direktora tvrtke Genesco, vlasnika kuće Kress.

Pet godina nakon dolaska u Novi svijet, Valentine se vjenčao sa Ernestine, te imali su jednu kćerku (Tina Marie) i živjeli 55 godina u sretnom braku.  Kćerka je završila pravo i danas je suvlasnik odvjetničkog ureda u Californiji.  Obitelj je radi Valentinova posla morala nekoliko puta mijenjati mjesto boravka, ali Valentinu je Californija uvijek ostala u srcu, te čim je otišao u mirovinu smjestio se (1981.) u San Pedru.

Premda u mirovini, Valentin nije nikada imao mira. Bio je neumoran u višestranim društvenim djelatnosima.  Samo da napomenemo neke. Bio je jedan od osnivača Hrvatsko-američkog kulturng kluba u San Pedru i njegov predsjednik 10 godina. Pomagao je oko Hrvatskog radio rasporeda u Los Anglesu. Bio je i medju osnivačima Hrvatskog kluba „Bosna“. To ga je valjda podsjećalo na mlade dane u Sarajevu kad je bio vratar za sarajevskog prvoligaša.  Vršio je razne dužnosti u odboru Hrvatske narodne udruge u Los Angeles-u.  Bio je predsjednik Hrvatskog katoličkog obiteljskog udruženja u župi Marije Zvijezde Mora u San Pedru, gdje je pomagao i u liturgijskim slavljima na razne načine. Zadnjih nekoliko godina Valentin je bio predsjednikom Vijeća etničkih zajednica za Nadbiskupiju Los Angeles.  To vijeće okuplja ljude ne samo iz etničkh, nego i različitih vjerskih zajednica u zajedničkim ekumenskim razgovorima i pothvatima. Bila je to delikatna dužnost, ali Valentin ju je uspješno, časno i s ljubavlju obavljao.

Valentin je bio ponosan na svoju katoličku vjeru i hrvatsku nacionalnost, ali uvijek otvoren za sve druge koji su odani miru, dijalogu i čovjekoljublju. Kad je zadnji rat zahvato Hrvatsku i Bosnu i Hercegovinu, bio je neumoran u radu za obranu domovine, ali i u traženju mira. U misiji mira je išao (sa svojim prijateljima Stipom i Louise Bubalo, te Perom Radielović) u razrušeno i ubojitim oružjem okruženo Sarajevo da bi pomogao zaustavljanju besmislenog krvarenja, posebice izmedju Bošnjaka i Hrvata.

Pogreb pok. Valentina bio je istinsko svjedočenje o njegovu životu i radu. Mnoštvo prijatelja i poznanika okupili su se na blagdan sv. Nikole, 6. prosinca, u prostranoj crkvi Marije Zvijezde Mora u San Pedru na posljedni oproštaj sa čovjekom kojeg su cijenili i voljeli.  Misno slavlje je predvodio Msgn. Oscar Solis, pomocni biskup Nadbiskupije Los Angeles, a s njim je koncelebriralo 14 svećenika.  Tu su se takodjer našli predstavnici dvadesetak etničkih i vjerskih zajednica iz Los Angelesa i okolice. Njegova kćerka je zadivila sve svojim govorom, evocirajući život i rad svog tate na kojeg je bila toliko ponosna.

Bilo je to slavlje zahvale Bogu za jedan plodonosan ljudski život; slavlje što je Bog poslao Valentina na ovaj svijet u kojem je djelio sebe sa drugima i uvijk ostao vedar, bistar, nasmijan i pun ljubavi za Boga, Crkvu, svoj hrvatski narod i svakog čovjeka.

U ime mnogobrojnih Valentinovih prijatelja i Saveza Hrvata Bosne i Hercegovine u Americi neka mu je vječni pokoj i hvala za sve što je na ovom svijetu dobra učinio.

Ante Čuvalo - Chicago

Objavljeno: Katolicki tjednik – Sarajevo, i Croatian Chornicle – New York.

Jack Kemp, poznati američki političar, nekadašnji potpredsjednički kandidat i bivši profesionalni igrač football-a, preminuo je 2. svibnja ove godine.  Tom prigodom američki mediji su detaljno izvjestili o njegovu životu i radu; o njegovim prepoznatljivim gospodarskim, političkim i ideološkim pogledima.  Poznat je bio kao „konzervativac mekog srca.“  Vjerovao je u slobodno tržište, u samopoduzetnišvto, u obiteljske vrednote, individualizam, patriotizam…., ali isto tako je vjerovao da svakome treba pomoći i omogućiti da se sam uzdiže, da napreduje, da uživa u plodovima svog rada.  Radi svojih zdravo-razumskih pogleda i konkretnih pozitivnih političkih pothvata, premda pripadnik republikanske stranake, bio je biran za kongresmana u tradicionalno demokratskom okružju u okolici Buffala, država New York, od 1971 do 1989.

Svrha ovog kratkog nekorloga nije pisati o Kempovom političkim nazorima, premda bi se moglo od njega dosta toga naučiti, nego samo potsjetiti ovom prigodom da je Jack Kemp bio prijatelj Hrvata i gdje je god mogao podržao je naš rad za slobodu i samostalnost.  On je duboko vjerovao u slobodu svakog čovjeka i svakog naroda, te jednostavno je bio dosljedan tom uvjerenju i, dakle, vjerovao da Hrvatska treba biti slobodna i samostalna.  Činjenica da je u njegovu kongresnom uredu radila jedna mlada i okretna američka Hrvatica je svakako koristila da imamo njegovu naklonost, ali pravi razlozi za njegovu podršku su bili dublji od običnih ljudskih poznanstava.  Sijećam se kako su nam vrata u njegovu uredu bila otvorena i kako je podržavao, medju ostalim, naše pothvate oko promicanja medju američkim političarima u Washingtonu lika i imena sad blaženog kardinala Stepinca, kao simbola patnje hrvatskog naroda pod komunističkim i beogradskim režimom i, u isto vrijeme, Stepinaca kao zvijezdu vodilju u radu za slobodu i bolju budućnost.  Kemp nije nikad zatajio.  Ne zaboravimo da je on već iz mladjih dana bio blizak Ronald-u Reagan-u, koji je takodjer bio prijatelj slobode svih naroda pod komunističkim jarmom, a u prvom redu slobode hrvatskog naroda.  Obojica, kao i mnogi drugi iz američkih političkih krugova, zaslužuju naše veliko hvala.

Jack Kemp je bio dobar čovjek, muž, otac, politčar, športaš, domoljub, pisac nekoliko knjiga, autentičan i dosljedan svojim nazorima da pojedinci i narodi trebaju biti slobodni; slobodni u pravom smislu te riječi.  On je želio i hrvatsku slobodu, te dao svoj doprinos našem radu za ostvarenje te slobode, neka mu je na svemu hvala i pokoj vječni.

Ante Čuvalo - Chicago

I apologize to my former professor and dear friend, the late Dr. Jure Prpić, and his family for not being able to write a timely obituary in his honor for the Fall 2009 issue of the ACS Bulletin. At the time, my family and I were too preoccupied with our move to Croatia/Bosnia-Herzegovina. However, this short text about him should remind our ACS members and his friends of the life and work of this wonderful man, husband, father, friend, and scholar.

Jure Prpić was born on November 16, 1920, of Croatian parents in Djala, Banat, where his father moved from Lika and his mother from Hrvatsko Zagorje. His elementary schooling took place in Nasice and Pozega. After graduating from the Real Gymnasium in Pozega in 1939, he and his family (parents and six more siblings) moved to Zagreb where Jure began his university studies. He received his diploma in Jurisprudence in 1944. However, his life dramatically changed soon after graduation.

As a war-time young university graduate, Jure was caught up in the great tragedy that beset the Croatians at the time. In May of 1945, with thousands of others, he found himself as a post-war refugee in Austria. While in Austria (1945-1948), he studied history at the University of Graz and, with some of his friends, tried to promote at least a minimum of cultural activities among his fellow Croatian refugees. From this time we find a collection of poems, expressing the anguish of those unstable times.

After coming to the U.S.A. in 1950, Jure lived for a few months in Cincinnati and then moved to Cleveland, where he labored as a factory worker in the Cleveland Twist Drill Co. for five years. In 1951, he married Hilda Hermann (Slovenian-born) in Montreal, Canada, whom he had met earlier in Graz, Austria. While working full-time at his factory job, he enrolled as a part-time student at John Carroll University and, in 1956, he received an M.A. in history. Shortly after that, in 1959, Jure earned his Ph.D. in history from Georgetown University. His dissertation turned later into a well-known book The Croatian Immigrants in America, which was published in 1971. From 1958 until his retirement in 1989, George Prpić taught history at John Carroll University in Cleveland, where he became a well-respected personality among his colleagues and students. I was one among numerous other graduate students who were not only his students but also his friends. Jure shared with us more than his knowledge of history. He taught us with love, and he really cared for each one of us. Who can forget his deep voice, his always calm personality, and his favorite saying at times of exams and also of political turmoil: ―This too shall pass.‖

Dr. Prpić authored numerous books, booklets and articles. He wrote many articles in various Croatian immigrant publications (Journal of Croatian Studies, Hrvatska Revija, Zajednicar, Hrvatski Glas, Danica, Hrvatski kalendar, Nasa Nada, Studia Croatica, etc.). Besides his contributions in historical literature, especially in the history of Croatian immigration, he was also a poet. Some of his well-known works are: The Croatian Immigrants in America (1971); South Slavic Immigration in America (1978); Croatia and Croatians: A Selected and Annotated Bibliography in English (1982); with his wife Hilda Croatian Books and Booklets Written in Exile (1973 and in Croatia in 1990); and A Century of World Communism (1973, 1975); Posljednji svibanj (1973 and in Croatia 1990).

Dr. Prpic deserves a special place in the history of the Association for Croatian Studies. Besides being one of its founders (1977), for quite a long time he was its main pillar and promoter. He selflessly served as ACS secretary/treasurer and editor of the Bulletin from 1977-1991. He was tireless in expanding ACS membership and soliciting support for its activities. The ACS and its members will remain thankful to him, as well as to his wife Hilda, for all that they did for Croatian studies in America.

After 88 years of a not so easy but fruitful life, Dr. Prpić  passed away on April 23, 2009. The Mass of Christian burial was at St. Paul Croatian Catholic Church in Cleveland. Those of us who had the privilege of knowing Jure Prpić as a friend and colleague can bear witness that he was truly a gentle soul, a genuinely good person.

May his wife Hilda and their children, Frank and Maya, find comfort in the fact that they shared their lives with a wonderful man. I remember him fondly.

God bless, dear friend and mentor.

Ante Čuvalo

Published in
Bulletin - Association fro Croatian Studies
Issue No. 54 - Spring 2010

After his arrival to the USA in 1947, Rev. Golik served for four and a half years as assistant pastor at Ss. Peter and Paul Croatian Catholic Church in South Omaha, and then, being multilingual, he served at various ethnic parish communities in the city. He served as pastor of St. Charles Church in North Bend, Nebraska for eighteen years, before retiring in 1986. However, even after his retirement, he remained involved in various pastoral activities.

The Mass of Christian burial for Rev. Golik was celebrated at the Croatian Catholic Church in Omaha. The great number of clergy and people who came to honor Rev. Golik at this farewell celebration indicated that he was not only liked but truly loved.

Bulletin of the Association for Croatian Studies – No. 54 Spring 2010 12

Rev. Golik was a loyal member and true supporter of the ACS from its outset until his death. Besides paying his dues faithfully, he was one of those members who could not attend AAASS conventions or ACS meetings, but he heartedly supported ACS activities and was excited about its successes, always eager to read the summaries of various panels. We are proud that Rev. Golik was a member of the ACS and we thank him for his long support. To his relatives we send our belated sympathies, and may he rest in peace!

Ante Čuvalo

Published in
Bulletin - Association fro Croatian Studies
Issue No. 54 - Spring 2010

]]> http://www.cuvalo.net/?feed=rss2&p=152 http://www.cuvalo.net/?p=148 http://www.cuvalo.net/?p=148#comments Tue, 20 Apr 2010 19:58:47 +0000 admin http://www.cuvalo.net/?p=148 U nedjelju 15. travnja 2007. u mostarskoj bolnici umro je u 72. godini života, nakon težeg bolovanja od raka na plućima, Vlatko Čuvalo iz Gornjeg Proboja kod Ljubuškog.  Iza njega ostaju supruga Stana, petero djece, četrnaestero unučadi, sestra, dva brata, puno rodbine i velik broj prijatelja.  Pokopan je u novom probojskom groblju dva dana kasnije.  Bio je to ne samo prvi, nego i veličanstven pogreb u novom groblju, koje je smješteno na brijegu koji se kao divna molitva uzdiže prema nebesima.

Pokojnog je Vlatka ispratilo nekoliko svećenika i časnih sestara, velik broj rodbine i prijatelja koji su došli iz bliza i daleka.  Među svećenicima bili su mjesni zupnik fra Velimir Mandić te fra Žarko Ilić, fra Vlado Lončar, fra Ferdo Majić, fra Marko Jurič i fra Jozo Grbeš.  Bio je to rastanak sa suzom u očima, ali i s osjećajem zahvalnosti što je Vlatko bio dio našeg života i svojom istinskom čovječnošću i dobrotom dotakao mnoštvo ljudi s dubokom vjerom da život nikad ne prestaje.  Župnik fra Velimir Mandić je to tako lijepo i dirljivo izrekao u svojoj riječi o pokojniku.

Oni koji Vlatka nisu poznavali mogli bi reći: čovjek živio, radio i mučio se, podigao obitelj, obolio, umro i - hvala Bogu.  Takav je život!

Ali Vlatkova životna priča nije baš tako bezbojna i jednostavna.  Ovdje iznosim neka svoja sjećanja iz njegove životne drame, ne toliko radi Vlatka, nego radi mlađih generacija, da ne zaborave životne priče svojih stariji, svojih roditelja, djedova i baka.  Zaborav njihova života, višeput mukotrpna i bremenita, znači ne samo nijekanje njihova opstanka i ljubavi, nego i nijekanje samih sebe.

Vlatko pripada onoj generaciji koja je u vrlo mladim godinama morala ne samo gledati, nego i proživljavati tragediju rata i poraća, tragediju hrvatskog naroda, tragediju svojih obitelji.  Vlatko je kao devetgodišnji dječak morao svjedočiti kako su ga drugovi „oslobodili“ oca koji je poslije Križnog puta „nestao“ negdje u Mostaru, nadomak svoje kuće i obitelji, samo zato što je bio Hrvat.  On i druga djeca morali su s odraslima doći na stratište i s jezom gledati strijeljanje nekoliko mladih ljudi samo da bi im se «utjerao strah u kosti“, čak i djeci.  Vlatko je također sa strahom morao svjedočiti kako dolaze „osloboditelji“ i gone sve, apsolutno sve, ne samo iz kuće, nego sve živo i iz štale, te se obećaše vratiti isti dan i kuću zapaliti.  Sjećam se, kad bi se kasnijih godina o tome uz ognjište ili kod listanja duhana pričalo, onda su stariji znali Vlatka malo i zadirkivati kako je plakao za jednom crnom ovcom, „galom“, kad su je s ostalim ovcama „osloboditelji“ potjerali ispred kuće za „narodnu vojsku.“ On je molio da mu barem njegovu „galu“ ostave!

Kao najstarije od petero djece u obitelji, Vlatko je morao „sazoriti“ puno prije vremena; morao je preuzeti odgovornosti koje su bile za odrasle ljude.  Ali i njegovo brzo sazrijevanje bilo je u okolnostima koje je teško danas mlađima i zamisliti.  Bila su to poslijeratna olovna vremena; doba straha, progona i psihološkog zastrašivanja svih, starijih i mlađih.  Ali on je zrio i sazrio ne u strahu od režima, od onih koji su bili zajašili na grbaču naroda i mislili da njihovoj sili ne će biti kraja.  Vlatko i svi oni koji su se trebali plašiti, živjeli su od ponosa da su ostali vjerni sami sebi, svojim uvjerenjima, svom poštenu životu i hrvatskoj baščini.  Taj njihov ponos i prkos izazivao je žučnu reakciju kod progonitelja, tako da su oni, moćnici, koji su „svišali i obišali“, živjeli u strahu.  Bila su to vremena progona i neizvjesnosti, ali Vlatko i mi mlađi uz njega rasli smo u slobodi i ljubavi Božjoj i obiteljskoj, što nitko ne može oduzeti!

Kao najstarijem sinu, Vlatku je jednostavno bilo „suđeno“ ostati i čuvati djedovsko ognjište.  Dok smo mi mlađi imali izbor i rasuli se po svijetu, on je ostao, čuvao i očuvao stari panj koji tamo već stoljećima živi i, hvala Bogu, iz njega danas nove mladice rastu.  Premda je to Vlatku bilo samo normalan svakodnevni život, to su trajne vrijednosti, to su znamenita djela, to su živi spomenici, to je život i budućnost ne samo jedne obitelji, nego i hrvatskog naroda i Crkve.

Svi koji su Vlatka poznavali dobro znaju da je bio čovjek šale, ukusne šale, dobre naravi, društven i vjeran u svemu.  Mlađima možda nije poznato, ali on je imao i glazbenog dara.  U mlađim danima je „po sluhu“ svirao, što bi se reklo, svega pomalo: diple, sviralu, gusle, a najviše usnu harmoniku.  Harmonika se uvijek našla u džepu kad je poslije mise i na „derneku“ trebalo povesti kolo.  Znao je ponekad zamjeriti mlađim generacijama da su društveno šepavi, da se ne znaju veseliti, zapjevati i šaliti.  Život im se sveo na kafiće, brze automobile, drogu; zaziru od obiteljske odgovornosti, zaljubljeni su u same sebe, ne žele dijeliti život s drugima, ne žele se „mučiti“ s vlastitom djecom.  Traže veselje u nečemu i negdje izvan sebe, a ne u sebi, u zdravu društvu i u toplini svoje obitelji.  Bio je i to jedan od razloga kad su on i jedan broj susjeda u zrelijim godinama organizirali folklornu skupinu u Proboju i jednog Božića iznenadili i obradovali cijelu župu.

Vlatku je šala bila uvije „pri ruci“, pa čak i naši ozbiljni razgovri znali su se odvijati onako u „šegi.“  Možda je vrijedno i zanimljivo reći i to, danas kad bacim pogled unazad u život s Vlatkom, onaj blizu i ovaj daleko, vidim da se nas četiri brata i sestra nismo nikad jedno na drugo ni ozbiljno naljutili, a kamo li se posvadili, što i nije svakodnevna pojava u našim vremenima.

Vlatko je bio najstariji, a ja najmlađi.  Znao sam ga ponekad, u šali, možda čak od milja, nazvati „stari.“ On je dosta mlad postao i glava kuće, ali nije volio zapovijedati i drugima govoriti što trabaju činiti.  Po njemu, svakome normalnu je jasno što treba raditi i kako živjeti, samo treba to provesti u djelo.  On je iskonske ljudske i kršćanske vrjednote živio i očekivao je da tako žive i njegova djeca, ljudi oko njega, ljudi u politici, u Crkvi, svatko.  Pošteno živjeti i raditi je za njega jednostavno bilo normalno.

Vlatko nije bio apolitičan, ali nije ni puno pričao o politici.  Moglo bi se reći da se politika bavila njime, a ne on politikom.  Režim ga nije pustio na miru, ne samo radi njega i njegova ugleda kojeg je uživao, nego i radi obiteljske tradicije.  Trebalo je lomiti njega, da bi se ušutkivalo one koji nisu bili na dohvatu.  Našli su razlog i zatvorili su ga 25. siječnja 1980. i po žurnom postupku osudili.  Naravno, premetačina kuće i sve ostalo je slijedilo, a on je proveo 60 noćiju u zatvoru, od toga 45 dana u samici.  Našli su se svjedoci, stari poznanici, a isljednici su bili već dobro poznata imena u Hercegovini.  Jedan od njih se posebno isticao maltretiranjem i prijetnjama, te porukama braći mu u svijetu.  Po starom običaju, na koncu se nudi i suradnja, a oni će se pobrinuti za njega i njegovu djecu.  Ti čuvari „tekovina socijalističke revolucije“ danas „čuvaju“ demokraciju!

Koliko znam, jedna „sitnica“  iz udbaške prošlosti kod nas nije poznata, a tiče se i Vlatka.  Naime, osoba koja je radila u kemiskoj čistioni slučajno je naletila na papir u postavi kaputa jednog ljubuškog udbaša koji je donio odijelo na čišćenje, a na tom papiru se nalazio popis osoba koje su bile određene za hitnu likvidaciju u slučaju „kontrarevolucije“.  Na tom popisu se nalazilo i Vlatkovo ime.  Oni su bili spremni obezglaviti narod, „neprijatelja“!  Opet u veljači 1986. došla je hajka, premetačina, ispitivanja i maltretiranja.  Danas to zvuči kao priča iz davnina, ali nije to bilo tako davno, niti je to samo priča.  To je bio tok rijeke života, Vlatkova i našeg života, kojeg su mutile i zagađivale sićušne sluge terorističkog režima i terorističke države.

Za Vlatka bi se s pravom moglo reći da je bio „sol zemlje“ u kršćanskom, hrvatskom i općeljudskom smislu.  On pripada onoj generaciji hercegovačkih Hrvata „starog kova“, koji su bili tvrdi i postojani u svojim uvjerenjima, u poštenju i ljudskosti kao i kamen na kojem su se rodili i živjeli.  Živjelo se od teška rada, poštena života i vjere u Boga.  Bio je kao svijeća koja je svijetlila i razbijala tminu koju su nametnula vremena u kojima je živio.  Gorio je i dogorio.  Ali njegovo svjetlo se nije ugasilo, nego se vratilo vječnom Svijetlu iz kojeg je i poteklo.  Svjetlu koje ne može nikakva ovozemaljska sila zasjeniti ili ugasiti.  Premda je svjetlo Vlatkova života pošlo svom izvoru, toplina njegove ljubavi i čovječnosti koja je iz njega žarila ostaje s nama, njegovom obitelji, rodbinom i svima koje je njegov život dotaknuo i obogatio.

Neka bude Bogu hvala za dar Vlatkova života, a Vlatku hvala na njegovoj ljubavi koju je s nama nesebično dijelio.  Bog mu dao vječni pokoj!

Ante Čuvalo

Chicago

Vlatko u mlađim danima

Nekomunistički svijet se previše olako bio prilagodio na komunizam i komunističku dominaciju u raznim dijelovima svijeta. To je čak donekle i godilo nekomunističkim silama, jer u polariziranom svijetu „dobra“ i „zla“ sve je bilo jednostavnije i jasnije, ne samo u međunarodnoj politici, nego i u političkom raspoznavanju među raznim grupacijama u zemljama s pluralističkim sustavima.  Toga svega nestaje, i morat će se naći druge formacije i formulacije u prikrajanju i balansiranju svjetskog političkog, vojničkog i gospodarskog stroja, pa i unutarnje idološke diferencijacije morat će se prilagoditi novim prilikama.  Sigurno je pak, da će se pronaći novi oblici raspoznavanja, razmicanja i približavanja.  Kao i uvijek u prošlosti, interesi će biti glavni čimbenik u političkim odnosima.  Sreća pojedinih naroda ovisit će o mnogim okolnostima, ali ipak najviše o njihovu radu, pronicavosti, hrabrosti i viziji, i njihovu političkom vodstvu.

RAT JE KONAČNO ZAVRŠIO.  Gledano iz malo šire povijesne perspektive, lako je uočiti da Europa tek sada izlazi iz Drugog svjetskog rata.  Premda su topovi već desetljećima prestali tući, rat se nastavio.  Nastavio se u više oblika.  Najglasniji je bio „hladni rat“ između supersila i svih onih, koji su se našli u njihovim taborima, ali ni ostali svijet nije bio pošteđen te ratne „zime“.  Nije to bio samo rat živaca, nego je on stajao mnogo patnje, zatvora i progona, kao i mnogo ljudskih žrtava u oružanim sukobima, koji su bili, naime, „lokalne naravi“, ali su zapravo bili samo „vruće“ erupcije ispod hladno-ratne plohe.

Drugi svjetski rat se posebno nastavio u zemljama koje smo sve do nedavno u političkom smislu nazivali Istočna Europa.  U tom dijelu svijeta nastavilo se ratovti na više načina.  Osim onog blokovskog hladnog rata i pored prisutnosti tuđih vojnih snaga u tim zemljama, domaći staljinistički režimi su nastavili posebni rat protiv „narodnih neprijatelja“.  Trebalo je učvrstiti vlast uništenjem ne samo svake postojeće opozicije, nego i one, koja bi mogla i u mislima naroda nastati.  U isto vrijeme trebalo je legitimirati vlast na račun „neprijatelja“, ocrnjujući ga ništa manje nego kao utjelovljeno zlo, koje vreba na svakom koraku da zemlji i narodu donese propast i smrt.  A Hrvatima je dobro poznato da se u Jugoslaviji ta formula primjenjivala ne samo na idološke ili klasne „neprijatelje“, nego i na cijeli hrvatski narod.  Stoga se s lakoćom može ustvrditi da su zapravo Hrvati, čak i više od drugih naroda, živjeli sve do sada u sjeni Drugog svjetskog rata.  Mrtvi su im ostali neoplakani i nepokopani.  Rane su ostale nezacijeljene.  Podjelom hrvatskog naroda u dva ratna tabora planski ga se držalo „zaraćenim“ i ometalo se normalan proces zacjeljivanja ratnih rana.  Tek poslije prvih slobodnih izbora i preuzimanja vlasti od demokratskih snaga u današnjoj Republici Hrvatskoj, možemo reći da se rat u Hrvatskoj skončava.  Tek će sada ratne rane početi zacjeljivati i moći će se početi gledati naprijed.

POVIJESNI TRENUTAK.  Pogledamo li danas prilike u Hrvatskoj, i u istočno-centralnoj Europi općenito, možemo uočiti, da se hrvatski narod nalazi na jednoj od važnijih povijesnih prekretnica.  Po važnosti, ova nova prekretnica nije ništa neznačajnija ili manje sudbonosna za Hrvatsku i Hrvate nego ona iz 1102., 1527., 1815., 1848., 1868., 1918. ili iz Drugog svjetskog rata.  Samo što je ova prekretnica puno sretnija (i nadamo se, da je nitko ne će pretvoriti u tragediju). Ovogodišnja zbivanja u Hrvatskoj nisu na površini tako dramatična i burna (Nek nas Bog sačuva od „burne“ budućnosti, kad nas nije sačuvalo od „burne“ prošlosti!) kao ona iz ratnih doba, ali ne znači da su manje značajna.  Dapače, slobodnim izborima u Hrvatskj, pobjedom opzicije, dostojanstvenim i mirnim izlaskom naroda masovno na izbore, izborom stranke koja je bila najjasnija u svom hrvatskom programu (HDZ-a), veličanstvenim i mirnim prenošenjem vlasti na demokratski izabrani Sabor, ukazuju da je hrvatski narod naučio političku lekciju iz svojih vlastitih iskustava i da je čvrsto odlučio preuzeti sudbinu u svoje ruke.  To je mirna revolucija, koja nije još dovršena ni u samoj današnjoj Republici Hrvatskoj, a u drugim hrvatskim krajevima tek je na početku, ali smo na pravom putu prema potpunoj slobodi i samostalnosti.  Jedino kad se u skoroj budućnosti ostvari cjelovita državnost, potpuna samostalnost, ova godina će uistinu biti povijesna prekretnica za Hrvatsku.

Sve do travanjskih, pa i onih svibanjskih izbora sijači straha, unutar i izvan Hrvatske nastojali su obeshrabriti Hrvate.  One snage koje, s jedne strane, govore o demokraciji, slobodnim izborima, volji naroda i drugim lijepim frazama, a na drugoj strani su već unaprijed za taj isti narod napravili odluku da jugoslavenski državni okvir mora ostati na životu, plašili su svijet i hrvatski narod, navješćujući strah i građanski rat, da bi zaustavili zahtjev i nastojanja hrvatskog naroda za istinskom slobodom.  Ali to sve skupa pokazalo se bez učinka.  Dr. Tuđman i HDZ su pokazali da su spremni i sposobi stati na čelo domkratskih gibanja, a hrvatski narod je dokazao da ima političkog sluha i da demokratska tradicija u njemu nije umrla.  Možda ponegdje ima i razočaranja, jer je hrvatski narod dostojanstveno potvrdio svoju političku zrelost!

MORALNA REVOLUCIJA.  Hrvatski narod i svi građani dobre volje u Hrvatskoj danas žive u radosnom uzbuđenju.  Veseli su jer vjeruju da su postavljeni novi temelji za potpuno oslobođenje hrvatskog naroda od svih tlačitelja i da će konačno biti kovači svoje sreće.  Ali u isto vrijeme Hrvatska i njezina nova vlada su suočeni s mnogobrojnim problemima, koje treba rješavati najbrže mogućim putem.  Osim onih očitih znakova opće krize - visoke cijene, nezaposlenost, stanovi, prometna mreža, natalitet, propadanje hrvatskih kulturnih i povijesnih spomenika, školstvo, pa sve do lokava na cestama - postoje još korjenitiji problemi s kojima se moraju suočiti i riješiti ih ili, bolje reći, liječiti ih.  To su društveni i moralni problemi koje će biti teže liječiti od onih materijalnih.  Spomenimo samo neke od tih.

STRAH.  Jedan od „darova“ koje su nam donijeli razni tuđinski režimi i ideologije, je strah.  Društvo u svim totalitarnim zemljama, a izgleda mi posebno u Hrvatskoj, živjelo je (donekle i još živi) u strahu.  Strah od izdaje, strah od onih u uniformi, strah od onih u civilu, srah od suda i zatvora, strah u kući i na ulici, strah na poslu, strah za putovnicu, strah na radu u tuđem svijetu, strah na granici i kad se odlazi i dolazi; strahuje se za druge, strahuju za nas, strah od Moskve, strah od Beograda, strah od bolesti, strah od dugova i zajmova, strah od života i smrti… Strah vlastodržaca od naroda, a naroda od vlastodržaca.  U strahu se rađalo i umiralo.  A to nije normalan život.  To je život potlačenih!  To je život zatvora.  Zato Hrvati općenito, a mladež posebice, trebaju zdravog samopouzdanja, vjere u sebe i druge, vjere u svoje političko vodstvo i svoju državu, vjere u bolju budućnost koju su sposobni i spremni graditi kao slobodni ljudi u svojoj slobodnoj domovini.

KORUPCIJA.  Premda je čovjek po naravi sebičan i grabežljiv, poznata korupcijonaška „umjetnost“ proširila se iz srpskih čaršijskih krugova kao pošast u hrvatske zemlje već za vrijeme prve Jugoslavije.  U novoj tvorevini ta korupcija je promijenila ideološku boju ali ne ćud.  Ona je prisutna u svim porama društvenog života.  Kao rezultat zelenaštva stvorena je i cijela podzemna privreda.  Mnogi su se obogatili na račun države (drugih), dižući zajmove, primajući nezarađene plaće, osnivajući vlasitite, samo po imenu, „tvrtke“ na Zapadu, koje su služile samo za samoobogaćenje, i tko zna na sve kakve druge načine.

Tehnika korupcije je vjerojatno napredovala više od ičega drugoga u toj državi! Cilj je bio ne tko će više raditi i zaraditi, nego tko će više ugrabiti. Neki su bili spremni izdati ili, još više, krivo optužiti prijatelja, susjeda pa i najbližu rodbinu, da bi od režima bili „nagrađeni“ za sluganstvo.  Kupuju se zdravstvene usluge, kupuju se školske ocjene, kupuje se pravda….  Sve je na prodaju!  Korupcija je najraširenija među onima koji su držali vlast i onima pri vlasti.  Ali su oni također dozvolili da se cijelo društvo zarazi s tom bolešću jer tako im se nije moglo prigovarati.  Kad svi kradu, nitko nije kriv!  A oni na vrhu u mutnome su najviše ulovili.

Dojučerašnja previligirana klasa i njezini štićenici ili, bolje reći, oni koji su „znali“ iskoristiti svoje položaje, imaju ogromne prednosti u ovom prelaznom vremenu nad onima koji su kruh zarađivali „u znoju lica svoga“.  Mnogi će od njih postati novi kapitalisti jer su za sebe već osigurali početni kapital.  Poduzeća, iz kojih su do sada „višak rada“ odlijevali na svoje švicarske račune, mnogi od njih će sada biti u stanju prigrabiti sebi, postati vlasnici ili suvlasnici tih istih poduzeća.  Oni su stekli poslovno iskustvo, školovali se, naučili strani jezik, školovali svoju djecu na boljim svjetskim školama, i slično.  Mnogi od tih postat će i novokovani „rodoljubi“ i „ljubitelji“ demokracije.  Onaj tko je teško radio, radit će i nadalje.  Oni, koji su bili glavni oslonac nacionalnih stremljenja i podnijeli velike žrtve radi toga, u mnogo slučajeva bit će zasjenjeni „rodoljubima“ dojučerašnjih pristaša propala režima. Stvorit će se osjećaj da se nepravda nastavlja, pa i nagrađuje, umjesto da bude kažnjena.  To će mnoge revoltirati i odbijati od političkog procesa.  Ali radi boljih vremena, koja su na pomolu, mnoge će se nepravde morati „progutati“ i krenuti dalje.

Političko patronaštvo prisutno je u svim zemljama i svim sustavima, i bit će s nama do konca svijeta.  Ali u komunističkim zemljama, gdje je partija držala apsolutnu vlast pa nije mogla postojati kompeticija za politički autoritet, korupcionaštvo vladajuće klike nikakva vanpartijska struktura nije mogla staviti pod povećalo.  Ali u ovim novim vremenima i novim okolnostima, kad ulazimo u jedno novo doba, premda je očito da ima „laktanja“ i „prešaltavanja“, i novokovanih „rodoljuba“ i „političara“; ako Hrvatska i Hrvati žele zakoračiti u bolje sutra, treba korjenito, počevši od vrha, liječiti korupcionaške navike favoritizma, mita i sličnih bolesti, koje su u Hrvatskoj prožele nekoliko generacija.  To će biti jedan od težih zadataka nove vlade i cijelog naroda, što će na dulji rok biti možda jedan od glavnih ispita društvene zrelosti.

NEMA BOLJEG RADA OD NERADA!  Titova Jugoslavija je bila, a službeno je i danas, radnička država, ali u njoj ništa nije bilo radničko.  Vladali su neradnici, profesionalni vlastodršci, poluškolovani birokrate, sve u ime radnika.  A i radnik je trošio vrijeme više na sve drugo, nego na svoj reoviti posao.  I on se prilagodio sustavu nerada, što je bilo i normalno u takvim okolnostima.  Znanstvenici su izračunali: kad se zbroji vrijeme utrošeno na sve sastanke, bolovanja i druge smicalice, radnik u Jugoslaviji radi prosječno oko četiri sata na dan.  Osim onih profesionalnih neradnika, koji su živjeli na račun naroda, (ne)radne navike i produktivnost su općenito nisko pali.

Imao sam prigode susresti lijep broj osoba koje su zadnjih godina dolazile u USA i Canadu posjetiti svoju rodbinu.  Kod većine, posebno kod mladjih, lako je zamijetiti da su jako „okretni“ i „snalažljivi“.  Ali, na drugoj strani, očito je da dobrom broju njih nije cilj zagrnuti rukave i raditi, nego se na brzinu „snaći“, na brzinu „stući“ novac.  Oni vjeruju da je to moguće, ali treba samo pronaći prave „kanale“ i iskoristiti prave prilike.  Taj osjećaj snalažljivosti, čini mi se, u mnogo slučajeva, uvjerio ih je također da sve znaju i nije im ni potrebno učiti od drugih.  Nije bilo privatnog vlasništva i rad nije bio nagrađen, nego su nagrađivani „veze“ i nerad.  Ali u novim pluralističkim okolnostima i s uvođenjem kapitalističkog modela gospodarstva težina mora biti na ozbiljnom radu i na dobrim radnim navikama; na produktivnosti, na solidnoj naobrazbi i stručnosti, a ne na privilegijama, vezama i nekoj istinktivnoj snalažljivosti.

NACIONALI PONOS.  Hrvati, a posebno novije hrvatske generacije, odgajali su se u nenormalnim državnim, idološkim, policijskim, školskim i inim okolnostima, i radi toga postoji neuravnoteženost, ako ne i kompleksi, u pogledu zdravog nacionalnog identiteta, zdravog ponosa na prošlost svog naroda i njegovu kulturnu baštinu.

Hrvatima, kao i mnogim drugim narodima koji imaju sličnu prošlost, često se prigovara da su zaljubljeni u svoju povijest i da u njoj žive.  Oni imaju nekakav čarobni kutić u kojem traže mir, iz kojeg crpe novu snagu; tu se nadahnjuju novim nadama. Čini mi se da bi se taj češći hod u povijest mogao usporediti sa šetnjom starim grobljem, gdje čitamo natpise i razne mudre izreke, gledamo spomenike i imena pa, iako je to nekako sve skupa žalosno, tu nalazimo neku utjehu jer u našim povijesnim poveljama, natpisima, grobljima i ruševinama pronalazimo sami sebe i time dobivamo novu snagu za nesigurnu budućnost.  K prošlosti smo se okretali jer je jedino ona bila sigurna, a budućnost nam je, stoljećima, bila maglovita.

Nadalje, povijest je za Hrvate bila, i još je uvijek, znanost prepletena s moralom.  Ona je slika sadašnjosti.  Takvo proživljavanje povijesti bilo nam je više puta i smetnja.  Ona je također bila mač nad glavom kojim su nam drugi stalno prijetili.  Ona je bila objekt manipulacije.  I danas nam se sudi zbog povijesti.  Mi bismo se, naime, nje trebali odreći.  A to znači odreći se samih sebe.

Jedna od hrvatskih tradicija je i traženje razumjevanja kod drugih, kod moćnijih, za patnje, za tragedije, zasluge, za prošlost i sadašnjost.  Ali razumijevanja je uvijek bilo malo.  Prerijetko se razmišlja o tome da pobjednici, oni jači i silniji, određuju vrijednosti i moral nečije povijesti, nečijih zasluga i tragedija.  „Povijest“ ne sudi! Sude moćnici.  Oni optužuju, sude i daju „odrješenja“ po volji.

Zato novim naraštajima treba pružiti prigodu da priđu hrvatskoj povijesnoj baštini s čistom ljubavi i bistrim razumom.  Pred njima se ipak otvara sretnija budućnost i bolji život.  Oni ne će trebati, uvjereni smo, biti toliko zagrljeni s prošlošću jer će biti zaposleni gradeći svoju bolju budućnost.  Ali dok budu izgrađivali svoje sretnije sutra ne bi smijeli ostati bez čvrsta temelja, ostati zbunjeni na razkrižju i ne znati tko su i što su.  A da bi to znali, trebaju imati ljubavi za svoju povijesnu baštinu.

Hrvatske novije naraštaje nastojalo se ne samo dekroatizirati, nego i nametnuti im osjećaj povijesne krivnje.  Zato su mnogi i odbacili „breme“ prošlosti i „oslobodili“ se „uskih“ okvira svoje kulturne i povijesne baštine te postali „univerzalniji“ i „modereniji“, „svjetskiji“!  (Čak i biti Jugoslaven značilo je biti „univerzalan“! Kakva tragikomedija!)  Hrvatskoj mladeži trebalo bi biti jasno da se ne živi od prošlosti, ali nacionalna prošlost je veoma važna u životu naroda i pojedinaca.  Tà, dobro je poznato, Hrvati su pokušavali ići prema slavizmu, jogoslavenstvu i prema univerzalizmu, ali se svatko opet morao vratiti odakle je pošao.  Ništa drugo nije se moglo biti, nego opet Hrvat.  Sve su te struje i idologije skrahirale, samo je ostala ona hrvatska.

Hrvatski narod ne odbacuje uspjehe civilizacije u kojoj živimo. Dapače, on želi biti dio civiliziranog i modernog svijeta gdje je odvajkada pripadao.  Ali mladež često ne uviđa da je civilizacija uglavnom zbroj uspjeha različitih kulturnih baština. Civilizacija, u kojoj mnogi od nas žive a koja, čini mi se, hrvatsku i druge mladeži u tom dijelu svijeta privlači kao magnet, je varljiva.  Ono čime su mnogi od njih opčarani i žele to postići, duhovno ne obogaćuje nego uravnava, neutralizira kulturna i duhovna bogatstva naroda i pojedinaca.  Zato se mora početi od sebe, od svoje kulture, od svoje baštine.  Jedino oni koji su svjesni sebe i svog kulturnog bogatstva mogu ući u „civilizaciju“ i od nje imati koristi, i nju obogatiti.  Stoga u ovom prelaznom vremenu hrvatskoj mladeži, koja je rasla u nenormalnim okolnostima, treba ukazati da bude u svojim pogledia i nazorima i hrvatska i svjetska.  A u bogatstva i ljepote svjetskog mozaika može se ući i obogatiti sebe i druge najuspješnije kroz bogatstvo svoje vlastite kulturne baštine.  I narodi i pojedinci trebaju tražiti svoje mjesto pod Suncem samo kao subjekti.

Zadnjih desetljeća Hrvatska prolazi kroz doba modernizacije.  Tu su brze komunikacije, televizija, rad na Zapadu, podizanje standarda, pismenost, itd.  Ali napredak je donio i mnoge posljedice u moralnim i društvenim sferama.  Među ostlaim, sramota je biti seljak.  (Može se biti poljoprivrednik).  Radnici većim brojem jednom su nogom radnici, a drugom seljaci (poljoprivrednici).  Oni, koji su živjeli toliko godina na Zapadu, a uglavnom su to ljudi sa sela, postali su „klasa“ za sebe.  Ta oni su prošli svijet, „govore švapski“, nešto su zaradili i više nisu ono što su nekad bili.  Njihova djeca, ona koja su rasla u svijetu ili bez roditelja kod kuće, u posebnim su (ne)prilikama.  Postoji tradicija u tom dijelu svijeta, pa i kod Hrvata, da osoba, čim završi nešto škole, odvaja se od svog sela i svog seljačkog podrijetla.  Kad su s „gospodom“, imaju kompleks inferiornosi, jer su došli iz seljačkih opanaka; a kad su u svom selu, imaju kompleks superiornosti, jer su školovani ljudi.  Oni više nisu za posao teži od pera!  Birokaracija, više puta sluganstvo, a ne ozbiljan rad, postaje im „profesija“.  Ovakve stvari u hrvasko društvo unose zbunjenost i nestabilnost.

Da ova godina bude uistinu povijesna i revolucionarna za Hrvatsku i hrvatski narod, onda ta revolucija mora biti, u prvom redu, moralna revolucija.  Treba, u prvom redu, povratiti ljudsko dostojanstvo svakoj osobi, osigurati osobne, skupne i nacionalne slobode, slobodu od straha od ikoga i/ili ičega, ali treba doći i do općeg društvenog i nacionalnog preporoda jer u suprotnom sav politički pluralizam, tehnički i materijalni napredak, prije ili kasnije, urodit će neželjenim političkim i društvenim plodovima koji, svjedoci smo, jako dobro zriju u post-revolucionarnim vremenima u mnogim djelovima svijeta.

ISKUŠENJA TEK DOLAZE.  Demokracija je pobijedila u Hrvatskoj, ali to je samo početak ogromnog posla koji čeka ne samo novoizbrani Sabor, Vladu i predsjednika Tuđmana.  Do novoizabranog političkog vodstva je da osigurava istinsku demokraciju u kojoj će pojedinci i interesne skupine biti stvarni dio političkog procesa, a ne možda samo mobilizirane mase u službi političkih takmaca.  Treba izbjeći procese koji bi mogli dovesti do bilo kakve pseudo-demokracije, a takvih „demokracija“ danas ima i previše.  Na drugoj strani, odgovornost je onih „pobijeđenih“ da gledaju zajedničke interese i konstruktivno upozoravaju Vladu na njezine propuste i manjkavaosti.  Stranke su jedna vrsta nužnog zla.  One dijele i razdvajaju.  Ali znamo iz iskustva što znači jednopartijski sustav.  Višestranački sustav bi trebao unositi dinamiku u politički život, stvarati nove ideje i učvršćivati slobodu.  Zato u Hrvatskoj treba razviti višepartijski sustav ali ne onakav u kojem se stranke stvaraju iz osobnih interesa i inata i postaju same sebi svrhom.

Demokratski izbori u Hrvatskoj samo su osigurali da otpočne razvoj demokracije.  Jer, sloboda i demokracija su puno više od slobodnih izbora!  Nikome u Hrvatskoj, niti Hrvatima općenito, politika nikad više ne bi trebal postati religija.  Ona mora biti u službi svakom građaninu Hrvatske, u službi slobode, u službi hrvatskog naroda.  A odgovornost je na svim Hrvatima i građanima Hrvatske da svojim radom i odgovornošću pridonesu političkom, društvenom i moralnom preporodu Hrvatske i njezinom materijalnom napretku.

It is a political rarity that totalitarian ideologies and absolute wielders of power willingly agree to the division of power with their former political opponents whom they regarded as “enemies of the people and of the state.”  Nonetheless, that is precisely what is happening before our very own eyes.  These are historical events that few generations will experience. The communist ideology and its regimes, for the greater part, have collapsed.  They are not falling apart through pressures from the outside; rather, they, themselves, brought on an ideological, economic, societal, and moral blind alley. The system simply could not go on!

The non-communist world all too easily became accustomed to communism and communistic domination in various parts of the world.  To some extent, this proved favorable to the non-communist powers since in a polarized world of “good” and “evil” everything seemed simpler and clearer, not only in international politics, but also in the political differentiation among various ideological groupings in lands that had pluralistic political systems.  All of this, however, is disappearing.  New formulations are needed to re-structure and re-balance the world’s political, military and economic orders.  Even the exiting ideological differentiations in various countries will have to adjust to the new world situation.   It is certain, however, that new forms of recognition, moves toward division, and unification among the nations of the world will be found. As was always the case, one’s interests will be the main factor in political relations.  The fortune of individual peoples will depend on many circumstances; nonetheless, it will mostly depend on their action, astuteness, courage, and vision—and on their political leadership.

FINALLY, THE WAR IS OVER. Viewed from a somewhat broader historical perspective, it is easy to see that Europe is only now coming out of the throes of the Second World War.  Even though the cannons have, for many decades, been silent, the war, nonetheless, continued.  It continued in various forms.  The most prominent was the so-called “cold war” between the superpowers and all those who found themselves within their camps.  In the meantime, the remainder of the world was not spared of that war’s “cold.”  That was not only a war of nerves; rather, it stood on the foundation of much suffering, imprisonments, and much persecution, as well as, many human victims in military encounters which were said to be “of a local nature,” but, in fact, were the “hot” eruptions that took place under the mantle of the “cold war.”

The Second World War continued, in particular, in the lands that until recently, we referred to as “Eastern Europe.”  In that part of the world, hostilities continued in various forms.  Other than the cold-war between the two blocs, along with the presence of foreign military forces in those lands, the local Stalinist regimes continued their special war against the “enemies of the people.” The regimes deemed it necessary to strengthen their power not only against any existing opposition, but even against a thought of it that might surface in the mind of the people. At the same time, the oppressors had to legitimize their power at the expense of the “enemy,” by blackening their real or potential enemies as being nothing less than the incarnation of evil which lurks beneath the steps of everyone so as to bring destruction and death to the “people.”  Furthermore, the Croatians are only too aware of the fact that Yugoslav regime applied that formula not only to its ideological and class “enemies,” but, in fact, to the entire Croatian people.  Hence, one can easily assert that the Croatians, far more than any other people, continued to live even up to the present in the shadow of the Second World War: their dead remain un-mourned and un-buried!  Their wounds remain un-healed. The division of the Croatian people into two war-camps kept them, by design, in the state of “war” and prevented any sort of normal healing of its wounds of war. Only after the very first free elections and the assumption of political power by democratic forces in today’s Republic of Croatia, we can say that the war in Croatia is coming to an end. Only now its wounds of war will begin to heal, and she will be able to look to the future.

A HISTORICAL MOMENT. If we view conditions in Croatia and in East-central Europe, we can say, in general, that the Croatian people find themselves at one of the most important historical turning-points. As to its importance, this turning-point is neither more, nor less critical or fateful for Croatia or its people than those of 1102; 1527; 1815; 1848; 1868; or 1918, nor, for that matter after the Second World War. The only difference is that this turning-point in Croatian history is far more fortunate (and one can only hope that no one will transform it into a tragedy). The events of the present year [1990] seem not to be so dramatic or stormy on the surface (God, spare us of a “stormy” future since you did not deign to spare us of our “stormy” past!), as those of wartime; however, that does not mean that they are any less significant. In fact, through free elections in Croatia, victory of the democratic opposition, the dignified and peaceful turnout of the people for the election, the choice of the political party that most clearly presented its program, (HDZ) [The Croatian Democratic Party], the magnificent and peaceful transfer of power to the democratically elected Sabor [Parliament], reveals that the Croatian people have learned their political lesson as based on their very own historical experience and that they have firmly resolved to take their destiny into their own hands. This is a peaceful “revolution” that is, as of yet, unfinished—not only in today’s Republic of Croatia, but also in other Croatian regions where it has only begun—a revolution that leads us to the true road of complete freedom and independence. Only when, in the near future, when Croatia achieves full integrity of its nation and complete independence, will this year be seen as being truly a historical turning-point for Croatia.

Up to the April elections and even into those in May, the disseminators of fear, both in and outside of Croatia, endeavored to dishearten Croatians. Those forces that on the one side spoke to the Croatian people of democracy, free elections, the will of the people, and such nice phrases, on the other side, the same “democratic” forces, in advance, made the decision for the same people that the Yugoslav national framework must be kept alive. They were alarming the world and the Croatian people by raising fears and the threat of civil war so as to short-circuit the wishes of the Croatian people for true freedom. In the end, all of that proved to be ineffective. Dr. Tuđman and the HDZ proved themselves prepared and capable of standing on democratic principles and movements, and the Croatian people also proved that they are politically mature, and that the democratic tradition that is theirs did not die. Perhaps, here and there, one will find disillusionment over the fact that the Croatian people confirmed their political maturity with dignity.

MORAL REVOLUTION. The Croatian people and all citizens of good will within Croatia live in joyful anticipation today. They are happy in their belief that the foundations have been placed for completely freeing the Croatian people from all their oppressors and that they will finally be the masters of their own fate. However, at the same time, Croatia and its new government are faced with multiple problems that must be resolved as quickly as possible. Aside from the obvious signs of general crisis—high prices, unemployment, education, highway systems, birthrate, deterioration of the nation’s cultural heritage and monuments, and even the potholes on the streets—there are far more deeply rooted problems that must be faced and solved, or better said, cured: these problems are societal and moral problems that will prove to be far more difficult to cure than those that are material in nature. I will mention just a few such problems.

FEAR. One of the “gifts” given to us by various foreign regimes and ideologies is fear. Societies in all totalitarian countries—and it would seem, we Croatians in particular—lived (and to some extent continue to do so) in fear: fear from betrayal; fear of those in uniforms; fear of those [agents] in civilian dress; fear of the courts and jail; fear in one’s own home; fear on the streets; fear for one’s passport; fear of working in a foreign land; fear at the border—coming as well as going; fears for ourselves; fear of Moscow and of Belgrade; fear of sickness; fear of debt and borrowing; fear of life—and death; and, fear of the people by those in power, and fear of those in power by the people: one was born in fear and one died in fear. This, of course, is not living a normal life. This, clearly, is a life of the downtrodden!  This is a life of imprisonment. This is why the Croatians, in general, and the youth in particular, need a healthy dose of self-confidence, faith in one’s self and in others, confidence in their political leaders and in their nation, faith in a better future that they themselves can build as free individuals in a free homeland.

CORRUPTION. Even though man is by nature prone to be selfish and possessive, the long-known “art” of corruption of the Serbian “čaršija“ spread as an epidemic throughut the Croatian lands already during the time of the first Yugoslavia. In the second and again artificially created Yugoslav state, corruption changed its ideological coat, but not its nature: it is present throughout all the pores of society. As a result of usury, an entire underground economy developed. Many became rich at the expense of the state (that is, at the expense of others), taking out loans, receiving unearned paychecks, forming their own “companies”—in name only, in the West, whose only “product” was personal enrichment, and who knows what other forms of fraud and bilking took place.

The “technology of corruption” advanced more than anything else in that state! The goal was not to see who could produce more, or work harder, but to see who could “grab” more. Some were even prepared to betray—or even worse, falsely accuse, their friends, neighbors, or even worse, their very own close relatives so as to be “rewarded” by the regime for their civic cooperation. Medical services were “bought,” school evaluations were also bought, and even “justice” was bought….everything was for sale!  Corruption was most widespread among those who held the power and those close to the power holders. In the meantime, the ideologues consciously allowed all of society to be infected by such corruption since they themselves would thereby be spared of criticism in that regard.

Yesterday’s privileged class and those who benefited from it, those who “knew” how to exploit their positions, have a huge advantage at this transitional period in Croatian history over those who earned their bread “by the sweat of their brow.”  Many of them will become the new capitalists since they had already assured themselves the necessary “start-up” capital. The companies from which they managed to put aside the “profits” of the firm into their Swiss bank accounts will now be used to grab what they can for themselves and become the owners or co-owners of those very same companies. They gained the necessary business experience, they educated themselves, and learned the necessary foreign languages; they also educated their children at the world’s best universities, and the like. Many of these same people will now become newly-minted “Croatian patriots” and “lovers of democracy.” Sadly, those who worked hard to earn a living will continue to work hard. Those who were the mainstay of Croatian national consciousness and who made many sacrifices for the cause will, in many instances, be seen as shadows of past “patriotism” by yesterday’s adherents of a bankrupt regime. A feeling that the old injustice continues—and, in fact, expands, instead of being punished will begin to arise. This will revolt many, and turn them away from the political process. In the meantime, so as to assure better times which are already on the mend, many injustices of the past will have to be “swallowed” and we will have to move forward.

Political patronage is present in all countries and in all systems. It will most likely be with us until the end of time. However, in communist countries where the party held absolute power and where competition for political authority simply was not possible, the corruption of the ruling clique was not able to be put under the magnifying glass by its opponents. However, in these new times and with our new circumstances—at a time when we are entering into a new historical epoch where newly-minted “patriots” and “politicians” abound in excess, Croatia and the Croatians must find a cure for corruption, the habit of favoritism, bribery, and similar diseases which have permeated the Croatian national scene for several generations, if they expect to have a better tomorrow. This will prove to be one of the more difficult tasks of the new government and of the entire Croatian people. In the long-term, this will prove to be the real test of our society’s maturation.

THERE IS NO BETTER WORK THAN NOT WORKING! Tito’s Yugoslavia officially was, and continues to be, a nation of workers; however, nothing about it was of the working class. The rulers in his domain were, in fact, non-workers—professional power brokers who were barely-schooled bureaucrats—and all of this was done, of course, “in the name of the workers.” Meanwhile, even a worker spent more time doing everything else except working at his job. He, too, adjusted his thinking to a system that discouraged true work ethics. This was seen as being “normal” under the circumstances. Experts have calculated that when one totals the time that was spent on meetings of the collectives, on sick-leaves, and other fraud, a worker in Yugoslavia, on average, worked only four hours a day. Besides those professional non-workers who lived at the expense of the people, the (non)working habits and productivity in the country, in general, fell to a minimum.

I had ample opportunity in recent years to meet a fairly big number of persons who came to the United States and Canada to visit their relatives. In a large measure, especially with those who were quite young, it was easy to see that they were, by and large, quite adroit and resourceful. Meanwhile, on the other hand, it was equally obvious that most of them were not prepared to roll up their sleeves to do an honest day’s work: they wanted to quickly position themselves so as to accumulate a large amount of money as quickly as possible. They were convinced that this could be done, but one would first have to find the right “conduit” for doing so, and to take advantage of that opportunity. This attitude of “resourcefulness” (in its negative sense), it seems to me, also convinced them that they knew everything that there was to know, and that no one could possibly teach them anything. There was no private ownership, by and large, work was not rewarded; rather what was at play was establishing “connections” and rewarding craftiness along with ideological loyalties. In the meantime, under the new pluralistic circumstances, and with the introduction of a capitalist model of economics, the stress must be on serious work ethic, and good work habits. It must lead to productivity, to solid education, and professionalism rather than to an unmerited privileged position, connections, and some sort of instinctive “resourcefulness.”

NATIONAL PRIDE. Croatians—especially the newer generation—were raised in abnormal national, ideological, political, educational, and sundry circumstances; hence, there exists an imbalance—if not an unhealthy complex—as regards a healthy national identity, a healthy pride in the past history of our people, and in our cultural heritage.

The Croatians and many other peoples, who have a similar historical past, are often criticized that they are in love with their history and that they tend to live in that past glory. They are accused of having history as an enchanting corner wherein they seek out peace, and from which they draw new strength; this is where they are inspired to new hope. It seems to me that this frequent walk through the past can be compared to a walk in an old cemetery where we read various inscriptions with their wise sayings, where we study the monuments and look at the names inscribed on them, and, even though everything seems so sad, we sense some sort of comfort there since in our historical charters, inscriptions, graveyards, and historical ruins, we come to find ourselves and thereby gain new strength for a future that seems unsure. We looked back and continue to look back to our past since it alone seems to be certain; since our future—for centuries past—seemed murky and fog-bound.

Additionally, history was, and continues to be, a branch of knowledge that was always entwined with a moral sense for us Croatians. It is the picture of the present. Experiencing history in such a manner oftentimes served as a hindrance to us. It also served as the threatening sword hanging over our heads used by foreign forces. Croatian history was too often the object of manipulation. Even today, we are judged and accused by history. We are advised by others that we should really renounce our own history. But, to do so, would be to renounce ourselves as individuals and as a people.

Another of our Croatian traditions is to seek understanding for our sufferings, our tragedies, our merits, our past, and even our future from those who are powerful. Meanwhile, there was always a shortage of such understanding towards us. All too seldom do we contemplate the fact that the victors, those who are more powerful and forceful, determine the value and morals of a people’s history, one’s merits, as well as one’s tragedies. “History” does not judge!…It is the mighty who judge. They accuse, judge, and give “absolution” as they please.

Hence, we must extend the possibility to our new generations to come to our Croatian historical past with pure love and a clear intellect. A far more fortunate future presents itself to them as well as a better life. They will not have to, I am convinced, be so enthralled by the past because they will be too busy building a better future for all. However, while building this more fortunate tomorrow, they must not find themselves short of a solid foundation, or be confused at the crossroads that is before them; they must not forget who they are. And, if they are to know who they are, they must love their historical past and heritage.

An attempt was made to de-Croatize the newer generations of Croatians and, in fact, to impose a sense of historical guilt upon them. This is why so many of them tossed off the “burden of the past,” and “freed themselves” from the “narrow” framework of their cultural and historical heritage. They became more “universal” and more “modern.”—namely, “worldly.” (In fact, to be even a “Yugoslav” was to be “universal!” What a tragic comedy!) It should be made clear to the youth of Croatia that one does not live from the historical past; however, one’s national past is, nonetheless, very important for the life of a people, as well as for an individual. In fact, it is well known that the Croatians attempted to embrace pan-Slavism, Yugoslavism, and even some sorts of universalism; however, everyone, in the end, had to come back to the point from which they started. Nothing else could they be but what they were, that is, Croats. All those movements and ideologies were unsuccessful: only the one that was Croatian endured.

The Croatian People do not reject the successes of civilization; we are part of it. In fact, our people wish to be a part of the civilized, modern world—a world we were part of from time immemorial. Sad to say, many of those who are young fail to see or realize that civilization, in the main, is a totality of the successes of various cultural heritages. The civilization in which we live, it seems to me, draws to itself as though a magnet, not only our Croatian youth, but others as well. They fail to see that it is deceiving. Much of that which entices and enthralls them and that they wish to attain for themselves, does not enrich one spiritually; rather, it tends to neutralize the cultural and spiritual richness of a people as well as individuals. This, then, is why one must begin with himself, from his own culture and his own heritage. Only those who are aware of themselves and of their cultural richness can enter into “civilization” and gain benefit from it as well as add to its enrichment. Hence, in this transitional time, Croatian youth who have allowed themselves to become dissipated in their surroundings, must be shown how to be both Croatian and a part of the world in their outlook and world-view. They can enter into the richness and beauty of the mosaic that is the world, and thus, enrich themselves and others most successfully if they first do so through the richness of their very own cultural heritage. Both peoples and individual must seek to find their place under the Sun.

The last decades, Croatia passed through a period of modernization: we have fast communications, TV, work opportunities in the West, a rise in our standard of living, literacy, and the like. However, such advancement also brought with it many of its consequences as regards the moral and societal spheres. Among other things, it is now a shame to be a peasant. (Yes, one can euphemistically be a “farmer,” but, certainly not a “peasant”). Workers, to a large extent, are “workers” with one foot, while still being tied to the village as peasants (farmers) with the other foot. Those who lived many years in the West, are, in the main, persons who came from villages. They have become a “class” unto themselves. Why, after all, they have seen the world!…they speak “švapski” [German], and have managed to “accumulate” a certain amount of wealth—in other words, they are no longer that which they once were. Their children, those who grew up in the world without parents at home, find themselves in a peculiar situation. There is a tradition in that part of the world, as well as among the Croatians, that a person, as soon as he or she finishes some schooling, separates himself from the village and his peasant heritage. When they find themselves among “Ladies and Gentlemen” they are burdened by a sense of inferiority since they just stepped out of a peasants “opanke”—[their peasant, cow-hide slip-ons]. But, when they are at home in their own village, they assume a complex of “superiority” since, after all, they are educated persons. They are no longer for any job that requires anything heavier than that of a pen! Bureaucracy, more often than not, servitude as opposed to real and serious work becomes the “profession” for such people. These sorts of things serve to introduce confusion and instability into Croatian society.

In order for the year 1990 to be truly historical and revolutionary for Croatia and the Croatian people, that revolution, then, must first of all be a moral revolution. Before all else, a sense of human dignity in and towards each person must be re-established, personal, collective, and national freedom must be assured, and freedom from fear of anyone or anything must be made possible. In the meantime, as a people, we must once again make possible a societal and national renascence in Croatia. If we fail to do so, sooner or later, the entire political structure of pluralism, as well as the technical and material advances will bear unfavorable political and social fruits which will, as we ourselves are witness, tend to thrive and ripen in these post-revolutionary times in many parts of the world.

THE CRITICAL TEST IS YET TO COME. Democracy won in Croatia; however, that is only the beginning of the task that yet awaits the newly-elected Sabor, the government, and President Tuđman. It will be the task and duty of the newly-elected leadership to guarantee a true democracy wherein individual as well as interest-groups will be a real part of the political process, and not some sort of mobilized force in service of political competitors. At all costs, they must avoid any sort of process that would lead to a pseudo-democracy since there are too many such “democracies” in existence today. On the other hand, it is also the duty of those who lost the election to look to the common interests of the nation and to constructively remind the government of its failures and shortcomings. Political parties are a form of necessary evil. They tend to separate and divide—but, we know only too well what it means to have a one-party system. A multi-party political system should introduce a new dynamic in our political life, create new ideas, and strengthen our new-found freedom. This is why we must develop and foster a multi-party system in Croatia but not one where political parties will come to exist out of personal interests and spite—where they become an end unto themselves.

Democratic elections in Croatia simply assured the start of the democratic process. Freedom and democracy are far more than just free elections. Politics must not ever again become a “religion” for Croatia or any Croatian citizen. It must be in the service of each and every citizen in Croatia, in the service of freedom, and in the service of the Croatian people. It is also the solemn duty of every Croatian and citizen of Croatia to contribute to the moral and societal renascence as well as to the material advancement of Croatia through their work and sense of responsibility.

Six years ago I wrote an article “Croatia Today - An Overview from a Distance.” (Published in American Croatian Review, Year IV, No. 3&4, October 1997 and it can also be found on the web: http://www.cuvalo.net/?cat=14). Besides assessing the political difficulties and pitfalls that the Croatian people were going through in the 1990s, the main point of the article was that Croatia (and other so-called transitional countries) will not make a necessary break with the past and move forward as it should, without a “second revolution.” Gaining political independence was only the first step. If Croatia and the Croatians are to set their sails for a better future, a self-imposed peaceful and painful transformation must take place at all levels (social, political, economic, ethical, educational, cultural…).

I am revisiting the subject of Croatia on the eve of the up-coming parliamentary elections (November 23, 2003). It is a good occasion as any to take a look at the Croatian reality, not as a judge but as a concerned and well-wishing observer. I will take a critical view, but to point out negative trends and habits of the people I belong to, is simply a call to make changes and work harder in order to secure a better future for Croatian new generations.

Let the Good Guys Win. If they can!

The up-coming multi-party elections in Croatia are a living sign that the country is independent and free. The existing political processes do provide for individual and group freedoms. However, all elections are not equal.

Croatia needs deeper democratic changes than a rotation of a relatively small number of individuals at the top of political institutions. A mere change of faces is not a proof of genuine democracy. Present indications are that the turnout for the 2003 Sabor/Parliament election will be meager. The election menu is uninspiring and tasteless. People want real changes and not recycling of the same programs, ideas, and people.

From the very beginning of Croatian independence, the political processes are designed more to rotate politicians and political parties than to construct a system that would lead to higher levels of civic participation and of political responsibility of those in power in order to ensure higher steps of democracy. The existence of 91 political parties in Croatia today is a strong indicator that people are free to organize and express their views. But, as the Americans say, “Too many cooks spoil the broth” or the Croatians, Gdje je puno baba, kilava su djeca. The present political tapestry in Croatia has many and colorful nuances but the quality of the thread is poor.

Does Croatia have something better to offer? We hope so, but “the good guys” have little chance to come to the top. Not even close.

Although Croatia has been an independent country only for little more than a decade, people are tired of professional politicians. A large number of them are “converts” from the former communist regime and they practically have no other talent but to “lead the masses” and be handsomely rewarded for their self-imposed mission. But unfortunately even those who joined politics after independence have quickly separated themselves from the people. In order to legitimize their political “professionalism,” some of them have become “professional nationalists.” In case such “professional politicians” lose elections, they do not return to their real professions, if they have one, but form new political parties. Clearly, political “profession” is more beneficial than working for a livelihood. Hence, no wonder people have become disgusted with such political elite.

An outsider, a politician-citizen, a person who has proven him or herself to be a successful individual outside politics has a slim chance to be elected. The “professional politicians” do not like such intruders. They are perceived as a threat. But outsiders, politician-citizens, in a future Sabor/Parliament would be a breath of fresh air in Croatian politics.

Question of Responsibility

Today’s parliamentary representatives in Croatia are not responsible to the people but to party leaders. Parties have placed themselves as mediators between the people and the centers of power. Members of the political elite depend on the will and whims of the party chiefs and interest groups that support them, and not on the will of the people. Party discipline is more important than the wishes and interests of the citizens. Thus, Sabor is an arena where parties fight not over economic, social or cultural programs but over how to divide the “cake.” The same game is played on the local and national level. The main purpose of the elections is to see who will get state or county jobs, whose wife, brother, daughter, friend, “benefactor”… will be minister, ambassador, secretary or clerk in some local tourist office. Interestingly, the winners are not shy about such deals. For them, making such deals is an essential part of democracy.

Furthermore, just as in the “good old days,” state jobs are still preferred to the private sector. They provide a sense of security and power no matter how low positions and wages might be. It should not be forgotten, working for the state does not demand risks, hard work, or accountability. Quite often, one supports a party that will secure a state job for him or his family, and not a party that might create better conditions for economic development and entrepreneurship.

The existing election system in Croatia, regardless of arguments its defenders might offer, has proven itself to be detrimental for the country. It may work in some older and more mature democracies, but in the countries that just emerged from communism the old habits of one-party system are hard to overcome. People vote for parties not individuals. Faceless parties make and implement policies. Parties are responsible and not individuals. But we know from the recent past, what it means when everyone and no one is responsible.

The political system in Croatia today perpetuates the rule of a few who either inherited power from the Communist regime before 1991 or gained it during the turbulent war years. The leaders of those parties do not have interest in changing the system for the sake of the common good. Why should they? Political power guarantees them and their clans and cronies all the benefits of this world.

The up-coming elections, whoever wins, will not change Croatian politics. Even if some changes are made, they will be of cosmetic nature. The existing system can not be fixed but must be radically transformed. People must compel the present political elite to make radical changes if Croatia is to move forward.

Diaspora and the Up-Coming Elections

Croatians living in diaspora practically have no impact on events or decision making processes in Croatia. A few diaspora-Croats will vote, but that will be so insignificant that one might say that the elections will pass by us almost unnoticed.

There might be several reasons for that. There is “no one” to vote for. Or even if one votes, it is going to be a vote “against” and not “for.” Most of the people do not even know how the present election system works, especially when it comes to diaspora. It is puzzling that Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina are lumped as diaspora, in their own homeland, together with Croats in the USA, Australia, Patagonia, etc. The election rules dealing with the diaspora are rightly perceived as a “game” of Croatia’s internal party politics. If Croatia earnestly desires diaspora representation in the national Sabor, then the law makers should find an honest and rational process that would ensure a genuine diaspora representation, keeping in mind that it is not the diaspora who needs such a voice in Croatia but that Croatia would benefit from a well-meaning diaspora input in determining destiny of the country and people they love.

However, the much bigger issue concerning Croatia and her diaspora is the fact that the most basic relations between the two parts of the same people have not been defined even twelve years after Croatia’s independence. There are no firmly established mechanisms that link diaspora and the homeland. True, there is Hrvatska matica iseljenika/Croatian Homeland Foundation. However, that institution is not only an over-bureaucratized organization but has not been redefined since the fall of Communism.  It is not clear why not. Either it is the result of inefficiency, ignorance, or perhaps it is the fact that the diaspora (especially certain segments) is still perceived as dangerous, a wild card that might disrupt the existing political game in the country.

Recently, we had a chance to read an interview with the present leader of Matica in which he claims that the diaspora should not meddle into Croatian politics at all. Basically, we are told: play tamburitza, dance kolo, come to Croatia and spend your money, go home, and be proud of your Croatian heritage. According to him, only a small number of Croats left the homeland for political reasons. Hence, you left the country freely, stay where you are, and we will even help you to buy national costumes and musical instruments, for your own money, naturally.

Messages like the one above indicate a certain view that is troublesome to many of us and is political (and probably ideological) in nature. Interestingly, Hrvatska matica iseljenika has been a political and ideological instrument from its beginning until today, but the diaspora should keep away from politics.

Some would like to use diaspora for narrow party politics. Others prefer to keep it from Croatia’s political radar and at a distance. However, Croatia can benefit from its diaspora in many ways, including politics, if it so desires and if it is done properly. If Croatia’s political leadership were well-intentioned it would have already made sure that rational and functional mechanisms were in place so that the diaspora would become a living and contributing partner in rebuilding the homeland.

To Live Freedom

Living in Croatia during summer months has given me an opportunity to observe the conditions people live in. Without doubt, ordinary freedoms are there: speech, movement, association, etc. However, under closer scrutiny, the freedom they enjoy is not profound enough. There are still many constraints on daily life that, for the most part, people are not even aware of. They have lived under oppressive regimes for such a long time that dealing with daily nonsense has become a part of life. But to be truly free one must not live under a system that makes life such a hassle.

People are expected to placate everyone who has even a bit of power stemming from their position or profession. This might be a plumber, electrician, tile-layer, mechanic, store clerk, bank teller, professor, medical doctor or any other professional, or semi-professional. One has to not only be nice and correct with them, but also make them feel that they are doing you a favor. People who work in state offices have to be approached carefully. They are the “state”! Thus, we need a veza/connection, political protection, gifts, and if one is a young secretary, she even has to go to bed with her boss(es).

The logic is that if we are nice to them, humble ourselves, know someone who knows them, give them bribes or even go to bed with them, they will do us a favor, give us a job or protect us in the existing position, provide good medical care, fix our car well, issue needed papers, do their work well, come back to finish what they have started, etc. If you approach them in a business-like manner, you might end up regretting it.

The result is that one is actually afraid of those who are supposed to serve the public as office-holders or provide good professional service for an honest pay. But most of all, there is a deeply-rooted perception that power still comes from the top down and not from the bottom up.

Politicians and their bureaucratic dependents make people run from office to office, wait in long lines, come back the next day, and look for a veza in order to, for example, establish a legitimate business, get a building permit, get a property deed, form an association, or even get an official piece of paper of any kind. Such things should be simple and fast. But things have to be complicated in order that one has to feel the power of the state; to make you and I feel that we depend on the wishes and graces of those “above you” and not vice-versa. Thus, those in power are not eager to have clearly defined and efficiently implemented laws and rules that would make the system run more smoothly.

Living in Croatia one can sense that a huge bureaucratic iceberg is floating in Croatia’s political, economic, cultural, intellectual, educational, and social waters. The iceberg is a collection of various power-holders, mostly left over from the recent Communist era. Those are former party officials or appointees, their sons and daughters, or their cronies. (It would be an interesting case study to see who are really the holders of power in the country - how many of them inherited power from the old system and/or were allowed to grab it since 1990.)

Citizens are bumping into this big and powerful iceberg on daily basis but feel that they cannot do much about it. Its true size is invisible but its presence is felt everywhere. Its color has slightly changed but it still remains the same old and frigid monster of the past that refuses to melt.

Systems like the one in Croatia and other “transitional” countries, push people to do things illegally, to go around the law. But such behavior also helps those in power. From jumping to the front of a waiting line to building a house without a permit, sooner or later everyone has done something “illegal.” By making such violations, one becomes (as V. Havel would say) a victim and, willingly or unwillingly, supporter of the existing inefficient and corrupt system. Hence, political power holders are free to continue to do business as usual.

Furthermore, to remind people that everyone has done something “illegal,” some are “caught” and symbolically punished, a few illegally built houses are destroyed, and the message to everyone is: don’t dig too deep - you will be eating the mud we all roll in.

The most often and, one may say, servile excuse one hears is tako je to kod nas / that’s the way it is here, or mi smo takvi /we are that way. Once in a while one can even hear the nonsense that there is a curse on the Croats, dating back to the Middle Ages. But rational people who have a clear vision, who know what they want, and who are ready to work hard will not use such cheap pretexts for their misfortunes. On the contrary, they will wake up, see the problems, stand up for their rights, make necessary corrections, and work hard in order to secure a better present-day life and future of their children.

Croatians are free from Communism and the Belgrade regime, but to be truly free they must try much harder than they have done so far. First, they must desire genuine freedom, take it from those who are blocking it, and truly live it as free citizens, free people in a free country. Freedom can not be imported, bought or received as a gift. It must be home-grown.

Sovereign People in a Sovereign State

One gets a strong impression that Croatian political and other elite groups are constantly looking over their shoulders. They are afraid of Europe (whatever that means), of America, of the Hague, or even of some self-appointed watchdogs of human rights and intellectual inquisitors whose concerns, for the most part, are not genuine human rights or intellectual freedoms but their own image, power, and interests.

It is the role and duty of the Croatian national leadership to set the highest possible standards for themselves and for the country, and then implement them. Such standards are well-known and implemented in the world that Croatia is aspiring to be part of. It is a matter of will of the national leaders to set proper laws and implement them, to do the right thing, and not behave as if Croatia and the Croatians were constantly guilty of something.

Instead, there is a strong urge on part of the Croatian political leaders to seek international approval so that they might be accepted abroad and look good at home. Unfortunately, picture-taking opportunities with some important world leaders are not the result of partnership or the strength of Croatia, but a sign of weakness; a sign that Croatian politicians are not acting as leaders of a truly sovereign nation and representatives of a sovereign people. That is why even a number of “nobodies” in their own country can come to Croatia, be received in high places, preach to the Croatians what they must do or not do, and even the country’s news media makes headlines of such “celebrities.”

For doing things in Croatia, efficiency, precision, well-planning, timing, and similar categories are not a major concern. Instead, people, professionals, and semi-professionals are great in improvising. No problem! Everything can be somehow fixed and resolved.

It seems to me that domestic and foreign policies are quite often improvised. One gets the impression that even serious matters as the war of independence was for a good part improvised. Such quality might be good and even necessary once in a while, but in the long-run such practices are doomed to fail. More time and energy is spent fixing things then moving forward.

In order to do make a better future, Croatians must become genuinely free, free for doing great things, and at the same time be and behave as a truly sovereign nation. But this can be achieved only if people know who they are, have a sense of purpose and clearly defined goals, are ready to work hard to achieve those goals, and are happy that they are able to create a better future than their past. Only then will a nation not be afraid of its own shadow or anyone else.

Civic Responsibility - What is that?

Reflecting on civic responsibilities in Croatia, I am reminded of a story that might be applicable to Croatians, as well as to many other peoples and societies.

A medieval king ordered a great feast to be held for the people in his kingdom. Food, music, magicians, games, dancing… were to be in abundance. Peasants were ordered to bring only one item per family for the occasion. Each household was to contribute a jug of wine to be poured into a huge barrel placed on the main square of the town where the feast was being held.

One of the peasants thought for himself, what if I fill my jug with water and not wine. Who will notice? One jug of water on such a giant barrel won’t make any difference. And he did that. He came to the feast and emptied his jug into the common barrel.

The feast began, food was served, music began to play, and the king ordered his servants to start serving wine from the common barrel. They opened the tap but pure water gushed out.

Every peasant thought the same: who will notice if I bring water instead of wine to the common feast.

This type of thinking and acting might be part of human nature, but in the societies that just emerged from communism and other oppressions, civic responsibility is the last thing on the minds of people.

Croatian people have lived in so many countries and under so many regimes that civic responsibility never had a chance to take root. My grandparents, for example, lived in five different countries before they died after World War II, although they never ventured out more than thirty miles from their home. One was always told what to do and how to behave. Oppressive and foreign regimes do not cultivate civic responsibilities but obedience and fear. People’s main concern in such situation is to survive and that includes beating the system.

There are strong indicators that even after Croatia gained its independence, there are still segments in the country (besides those who still dream about Greater Serbia) that do not feel comfortable with Croatian nationhood. But regardless of such groups, there is still a lack of national cohesion, a national sense of purpose, and a sense of civic responsibility is still a concept that for many does not have much meaning. It is taken as a joke quite often and by too many. The game is still how to use and beat the system and not how to be a responsible citizen. At the same time, the same people are the most vocal in protesting that the country is not functioning as it should.

During the war of independence, Croatians were united in defense of the country but the post-war period has brought divisions, insecurity, doubts, and a lack of common purpose. It seems that there is a shortage of true patriotism on the part of most people, even among nationalists.

Nationalism was a useful ideology in the struggle for independence and freedom. Once that is achieved one has to move on and embrace patriotism, an energy that helps us to contribute, to give freely our share in fashioning a better tomorrow. Unfortunately, we are witnessing that some nationalists and anti-nationalists continue to live in the world of Don Quixote, fighting the invisible enemy. The struggle of today is different from the one in the recent and distant past, it is constructive in nature, takes more patience, and there is no end to it. It consists not of big battles and glorious victories, but of daily and often monotonous routines. It is a life of love, dedication, and work.

For those who do not identify with Croatia, do not consider it their homeland or had a temporary surge of nationalism during the war, patriotism is an alien concept or even a dirty word. For them, the sooner Croatia transforms itself into something else, the better. Then, they can be true world citizens, which in most cases means loving humanity but resenting those near them.

If Croatians are trying to imitate the West in everything, then they should be patriotic as people in the West are. Those of us who live in America are well aware of that and are even part of it. It is perceived as a virtue and civic duty to be an American patriot.

Patriotism, civic responsibility, caring for others, caring for the nation and its riches and beauties, and accepting others and their rights are a part of living comfortably with ourselves and with others in the world around us.

Ideologies as Smokescreen

My life experiences and observations have given me enough evidence to conclude that Croatians like to argue in ideological terms projected to imaginary cosmic proportions, usually without listening to the other side. (Ideologies never tolerate other views.)  Such debates are endless. A good example of such debates is the intellectual Left-Right “war zone” in Croatia in the 1930’s.

In the post-World War II period, Communism suppressed all opposing views but ideological debate has been revived in the post-independence era. For the most part, such noises have been a waste of time because they are not rational discussions concerning existential problems and needs of the day. Furthermore, those who are fanning ideological fires are most often creating smokescreens for their self-interests, material or otherwise.

The Left and the Right see themselves in messianic terms. But Croatia today does not need messiahs. It needs practical and professional citizens in addition to capable leaders who love their homeland and are ready to work hard for themselves and the interests of the nation.

In scanning various Croatian publications one can notice that much time and effort is given to various small issues, often sparked by or turned into ideological clashes. However, this is like curing toothaches when the problem at hand is leukemia or some other life-threatening disease. Instead of diagnosing and curing the entire body and moving on, the nation is kept busy with various minor crises.

We should be mindful also that there is much intellectual “terrorism” going on in the world today. Some of this goes on in Croatia too. It seems that such intellectuals who are policing others think that they are doing something great for humanity. But in actuality no one in the world cares! Perhaps, a new type of human-rights organization may be needed in order to protect people from various types of modern inquisitors.

People should not fall into traps of intellectual fear but live freely. Ideologies and empty debates over “hot issues” are not going to move the country forward, but well-thought plans and hard work. Miracles will not happen either. God has already made miracles for Croatians. He gave them a rich and beautiful land, healthy minds, and, finally, freedom. God’s help is always needed, but He should not be asked to do their work.

Dream of a Better Future

The up-coming elections are near and whoever wins will have influence on the future of Croatia. I am afraid, however, that the elections are not going to bring about the necessary changes in the country. Such changes will not occur of their own accord and they surely cannot be imported. True changes must come from within, from people who still believe in themselves, from those who still dream about a better future, and, most of all, from people who are ready to use their God-given talents to work hard in creating a better tomorrow. It can be done. It is up to us.

Published in “Hrvatski Vjesnik” – Australia, November 21, 2003.

Bilo je to početkom 20. stoljeća kad se iz Hrvatske i drugih zemlja srednje i južne Europe masovno išlo tražiti sreću u Americi.  Išlo se iz potrebe - iz želje za kruhom i slobodom, vjerovalo se onima koji su prodavali ne samo putne karte nego i „maglu“, išlo se jer „svi idu“, a išlo i samo da se ide….

Tjelesno dobro razvijen, okretan i bistar momčić Božo Gicano iz Šibenika je gledao kako ljudi iz njegova mjesta svakodnevno odlaze u tu bajoslovnu Ameriku.  Njegov stariji prijatelj Srećko (vjerojatno rođak) već je bio u New Yorku, gradu koji je služio kao vrata tisućama novodošljaka na novi kontinent i u novi život.  Naravno, i Božo je sanjao kako će mu život biti sretan i lijep u tom velikom i bogatom svijetu, te čvrsto odluči poći preko oceana.  Njegova upornost i dobra sreća su ga na neobičan način dovele do željenog cilja.  Božino putovanje postade čak i atrakcija za novinare.  O njemu New York Times objavi članak na temelju kojeg su ove crtice i napisane.

Božin prvi pokušaj odlaska u svijet završio je neuspješno.  Naime, radi njegove upornosti, otac mu je jednog dana dao 100 forinti i svoj blagoslov, i dečko krene u Ameriku, ali se Božo ubrzo vratio doma.  Navodno ga je netko pokrao prije nego je stigao do mjesta polaska u daleki svijet.  Ostade praznih džepova, pa kamo će nego ćaći i materi.  Tko zna, možda je mali negdje novac i potrošio čim je kliznio ispod očeve kontrole.  Bilo kako bilo, novaca više nije bilo, a Boži se išlo u svijet.  Zato se on odluči prošvercovati do Amerike.  Mora da je mali bio „na vraga umetnut“!  Nekako se dočepa Trsta i tu se potajno ukrca na istoimeni brod do Aleksandrije u Egiptu.  Ali šta će on u Egipatu, on je pošao u Ameriku!  U Aleksandriji se prošvecuje na brod Fabyan i stigne u Liverpool u svibnju 1902.  Znao je Božo odakle brodovi redovito plove u New York.  Tu se nekako provuče bez karte na brod Saxonia, koji je polazio u New York.  Ali, na nesreću, otkriju ga i izbace s broda.  Dvadeset tegobnih dana je Božo proveo u Liverpoolu črkajući sretan trenutak.  Možemo samo zamisliti kako mu je bilo samu i bez „kinte“ u džepu u tuđem svijetu, ali velika želja za Amerikom mu je zasigurno pomogla izdržati sve nezgode.

Božin drugi pokušaj ukrcavanja bio je sretniji: nekako se prošvercao na Umbriu, tada jedan od najvećih i najpoznatijih putničkih brodova koji su redovito plovili od Liverpoola do NewYorka i natrag.  Ukrcao se u pola noći 13. lipnja 1902., dan prije nego je Umbria zaplovila preko Atlantika.  Božo se sakrio u kotao pomoćnog motora („donkey engine“) koji se upotrebljavao za destiliranje vode, ali samo u rijetkim slučajevima.  Božo je imao sreću da do takve potrebe nije došlo, jer da jest, to bi ga stajalo života.  Ipak je netko od putnika znao da je on na brodu i gdje se sakrivao, te mu je donosio komadiće kruha i kavu da bi preživio.  Je li to bio neki naš Jure, Mate, Ante… kome se Božo povjerio, tko zna.  Šestog dana plovidbe, na pučini Atlantika, jedan od brodskih inžinjera slučajno otkrije Božu u mračnoj i vrućoj kotlovnici.  Po izlasku na palubu, zamazanu i poderanu, netko od putnika mu je čak darovao odijelo, da momak pristojno izgleda.  Kad ga je uprava broda počela ispitivati nitko ga nije razumio niti su znali kojim jezikom govori.  Što će od njega nego ga povesti dalje, ta ne će ga baciti u more.  I tako naš Božo besplatno stigne do cilja, u New York, gdje ga predadoše službenicima imigracijskog centra na Ellis Islandu, kroz koji su tad prolazile na stotine tisuća imigranta godišnje.

Božo se sad našao u rukama onih koji odlučuju hoće li zakoraciti u zemlju o kojoj je sanjao ili će ga vratiti odakle je i došao.  U prvim trenucima su pomislili da je Mađar.  Ali, na Božinu sreću, tu se ubrzo nađe imigracijski inspektor George E. Schubert, koji otpočne s njim razgovarati i, na radost Božinu, Schubert veli kolegama, nije ovaj dečko Mađar, nego je došao iz Šibenika u Dalmaciji, iz grada u kojem sam i ja rođen.  Kakva slučajnost i sreća!  Od tog trenutka sve se odvijalo brzo i dobro.  Božine su se želje ispunile bolje nego je i sanjao.

Kad je šef ureda na Ellis Islandu, gospodin Williams, čuo priču o Božinu putovanju i da je pošao prijatelju Felixu/Srećku/ Gicanu u New Yorku rekao je da ovakav dečko, nakon tolikih napora da bi stigao u Ameriku, zaslužuje da ga se odmah pusti otići njegovu prijatelju Srećku i da može slobodno ostati u Americi.  Ali Božo nije imao Srećkovu adresu.  Jedino je znao da živi u New Yorku.  Ali Gospodin Schubert je znao za naseobine hrvatskih imigranata u gradu, a jedna od njih je bila i naseobina Dalmatinaca u Harlemu.  U roku od sat vremena Schubert je pronašao gdje Srećko stanuje, te povede Božu vlakom od Treće avenije do 111. ulice, zatim su pošli pješice do zgrade broj 2099 na Drugoj aveniji i na trećem katu nađu na okupu skupinu imigranata.  Kad su se došljaci pojavili na vratima, onaj najkrupniji među iznenađenim „domaćinima“ skoči, te sav uzbuđen počne vikati: „Božo, Božo“ i objeručke zagrli novodošlog „Amerikanca“.  Možemo samo zamisliti Božinu radost da je nakon toliko muke i „snalaženja“ mogao zagrliti svog prijatelja Srećka u dalekom New Yorku, kamo se uputio iz rodnog im Šibenika bez novčića u džepu.  Je li Božu sreća pratila u Americi kao što ga pratila do Amerike, ostaje zagonetka.

Ante Čuvalo - Chicago

Ellis Island & New York početkom 20. stoljeća

Ante Čuvalo – Chicago

(Published in: Review of Croatian History, IV. no. 1, 2008, pp. 13-27)

This year (2008) marks the 160^th anniversary of the 1848 revolution in which Ban Jelačić played a significant role. The short survey of Jelačić’s life that follows is written mainly for young Croatians around the world so that they may have a better understanding of Jelačić, the times in which he lived, and Croatian history in general.

Introduction

In 1848, a revolutionary wave swept across Europe, except in England and Russia. In England, the revolutionary pressures were deflated by reforms; in Russia, no action could be undertaken because of the cruelty of the tsarist regime.

A mix of severe economic crisis, romanticism, socialism, nationalism, liberalism, raw capitalism, growing power of the middle class, the misery of the workers and peasants (that still included the serfdom), the slipping power of the nobility and, in some countries, royal authoritarianism bordering with absolutism, created a volatile blend that brought about the Year of Revolution! The prelude to the 1848 events began among the Poles in Galicia in 1846, a civil war in Switzerland in 1847, and an uprising in Naples in January of 1848. However, in February 1848 the French ignited a fire that spread rapidly across the continent.

In the Austrian Empire liberals demanded a written constitution, which meant a quest for greater civil liberties by curbing the power of the Habsburg regime. When such attempts failed, popular revolts ensued, especially among the students and urban workers. At the beginning there was an alliance of students, middle-class liberals, workers, and even peasants. Under such pressure, the monarchy gave in to the demands and ultimately collapsed. But because of disunity among the revolutionaries, the traditional forces and the military establishment regained courage and strength, and in the end crushed the revolution.

The Hungarians were at the forefront of the revolution in the Habsburg Empire and in March 1848 promulgated a liberal constitution in their part of the monarchy. However, what Hungarians demanded for themselves they were not willing to give to non-Hungarians. Namely, they stood firmly for a unitary Hungary in which Croatians and other non-Hungarians would not have political and cultural rights. It should be remembered that Croatia was a separate kingdom united with Hungary under the crown of St. Stephen, and not a Hungarian province. But Hungarian imperialists, including Lajos Kossuth, the key man of the revolution, were liberals only for themselves. Because of their narrow-mindedness the Hungarians pushed the revolution over the edge and turned it into a disaster for themselves and others.

***

Revolutions bring out an array of forces and passions and produce both heroes and villains. Depending on the perceptions, interests, and judgments of the observer. One example of such a revolutionary is Josip Jelačić, Ban of Croatia. To the Croatians, and to other Slavs in the empire, he was a hero, as he was to the supporters of the Habsburg monarchy. To the Hungarians and other anti-Habsburg forces, Jelačić was a villain. He fought the Hungarians to get more independence for his native Croatia. He also championed national and individual rights of Slavs to be equal with those of Hungarians and Germans within the empire. Thus, his goals were progressive and noble. But by fighting the Hungarians and revolutionaries in Vienna he supported the Habsburgs, whom he saw as the lesser of two evils. Because the Hungarian revolutionaries were portrayed as liberals and had the sympathy of the West, Jelačić was depicted as a reactionary. But the same pro-Hungarian forces outside the empire did not want to see the sinister side of Lajos Kossuth and his bogus liberalism.

Josip Jelačić Before 1848

Ban Jelačić came from a family deeply rooted in the Habsburg military tradition. For two hundred years it had given officers to the empire, especially to the Military Frontier region in Croatia. He was the oldest son of Baron Franjo Jelačić Bužimski, a Field-Marshal,¹ who distinguished himself in the war against Napoleon.² His mother was Anna Portner von Höflein.

Josip was born on October 16, 1801 in the fortress of Petrovaradin, which was one of the well-known forts in the long struggle against the Turks. Military spirit and smell of gunpowder were a part of Josip’s life from the time of his birth; it was no wonder then that he kept the family tradition and became an officer.

As an eight-year-old boy Josip had the honor of being presented to Emperor Francis I, who recommended he be accepted at the Theresianum in Vienna. Shortly after his father’s death in 1810, Josip entered the famous Theresianum, where new military and administrative personnel of the empire were trained.

Jelačić was an excellent student with a variety of talents. Because of his eloquence his teachers advised him to become a lawyer, but he preferred being a soldier.³ Besides Croatian, he spoke German, Italian, French, and Magyar.⁴ In 1819, he graduated from the academy with honors, and as a Sub-Lieutenant he was sent to Galicia. Jelačić was loved by his peers, respected by his soldiers, and recognized as an excellent officer by his superiors. He loved army life and it seems that he fascinated everyone around him. His vigor, exuberance, good temper, wit, bravery, and even his talent for poetry brought him fame, good fellowship and popularity in the military circles.⁵

Jelačić’s joyous and carefree military spirit was interrupted, however, by a sudden and serious illness in 1824. For a year he recuperated at his mother’s house in Turopolje, near Zagreb. During that year he wrote a book of poems, which was published in 1825 and reissued in 1851. Suffering added to the depth of his character without affecting his vigor and love of life.

In 1825, Jelačić returned to his friends and comrades in arms, who were at this time in Vienna. He was again “the beginning, middle, and end of all proceedings” among his peers.⁶ After a short stay in Vienna, he was sent again to Galicia. In 1830, he became a Lieutenant Captain in the Ogulin regiment at the Croatian Military Frontier, where he was stationed. One year later he and his regiment were in Italy, where he served under the renowned General John Joseph W. Radetzky. About Jelačić the General once stated: “I expect the best of him; never yet have I had a more excellent officer.”⁷ After his return from Italy in 1835, Jelačić stayed permanently in Croatia. In 1837, he became a Major and was assigned as adjutant to the military Governor of Dalmatia, where he gained much valuable administrative experience and also had a chance to learn more about his native land and its people. Four years later he became a Colonel and returned to the Frontier troops.

At the Frontier territory, Jelačić had military and administrative responsibilities. In both areas he became not only very efficient but also popular. With his soldiers he was fair, and he cared for their well being. He even abolished corporal punishment. As an administrator, he would hear complaints of the local people and proved to be a fair arbitrator. He was well-known in the villages, attending various community gatherings and celebrations, including dancing the kolo (circle dance) at weddings.⁸ Such demeanor contributed to his fame among the soldiers and civilians.

A German officer in the Habsburg armed forces, who served under Jelačić in 1848, gives the following personal and vivid account of Jelačić:

The impression which this distinguished officer made upon me at the very first moment was most prepossessing; and it has since become stronger and stronger, the more I have had occasion to observe him in all the situations of life—in battle, and in cheerful society. He is an extraordinary man; and Austria may deem herself fortunate in possessing him and Radetzky precisely at the same moment.

Jellachich is of the middling height and size. His bearing is upright and truly military; his gait quick, as indeed are all his motions. His face, of a somewhat brownish tinge, has in it something free, winning, and yet determined. The high forehead, under the smooth black hair, is very striking. The eyes are large, hazel, and full of expression. In general, there is something extremely calm and gentle in their glance; but, when the Ban is excited, they flash, and have so stern—nay, so wild—a look as to curb even the most daring fellows. At the same time he is the mildest and kindest of officers. When but captain, he had almost entirely abolished blows in his company; and, while commanding the second Banat regiment as Colonel, there were not so many punishments in it in a year as there were formerly in a month.

Here is just one instance of the care which the Ban takes of his men. Last winter, when he was still Colonel, Lieutenant Field-marshal D——, Who commanded on the frontier, fixed a certain hour for inspecting the regiment. There was a piercing frost, and the soldiers shook with cold; but the Lieutenant Filed-marshal sat enjoying himself over his bottle at the tavern, leaving the regiment exposed to the cutting wind on the parade, to be frozen or petrified, for what he cared.

Jellachich waited nearly an hour beyond the appointment time; and the General not yet making his appearance, he ordered the regiment to disperse quietly. No sooner had it obeyed, than the General appeared upon the ground; but it was then too late, and the inspection could not take place.

This affair is said to have produced a great sensation, and, when reported to Vienna, to have been entered in the black book. But March has expunged this, like many other matters; and the Ban was in a few weeks promoted from Colonel to Lieutenant Field-marshal. The whole army, some antiquated nobs perhaps excepted, rejoiced at it. But this was nothing to the rejoicing with which, on the appointment of Jellachich to the office of Ban, he was received in Croatian and Slavonia, and which is said to have defied description.

Never was general more beloved by his troops. Wherever he shows himself in a military village, all—old and young, little boys and aged men, ay, and pretty girls, too—all rush out to see him, to shake hands with him, and to greet him with one Zivio! [Long live!] after another. In battle, after the most fatiguing march; in bivouac, exposed to pouring rain; wherever and whenever the border-soldier espies his Ban, he joyously shouts his Zivio! and for the moment, bullets, hunger, weariness, and bad weather, are nothing at all to him.

The scene that I witnessed when the Ottochans, who had been with me in Peschiera, and who arrived a few days after me in Croatia, were reviewed by the Ban, I shall never forget. Old border-soldiers—who had often braved death, and not flinched when the bombs at Peschiera fell in their ranks—wept for joy, when Jellachich praised them for their good behaviour. And yet he told them at once that the repose at their own homes which they had so richly earned and hoped to enjoy could not yet be granted to them; that, after a few days’ rest, they must start for Hungary, to engage in fresh conflicts.

… His voice is soft and pleasing, but perfectly distinct when giving the word of command. He is unmarried; has not much property; lives simply and frugally, applying almost all that he can spare to the support of his soldiers.⁹

The above biographical account, even if from a friendly officer, is impressive for any individual and it supports other first-hand accounts about Jelačić.

The Political Situation in Croatia in the 1840s

The political and cultural life in Croatia was very vibrant during the 1840s. Young intellectuals were full of enthusiasm for national revival. National newspapers began to appear, book publishing flourished, and even the first Croatian national opera premiered in Zagreb in 1846. Political life was dynamic and exciting, especially after use of the “Illyrian” name was forbidden in 1843. The language question became one of the major issues. The Magyars decreed their language to be the only official language in the kingdom; the Croatians, however, rejected this resolution of the Hungarian Diet (Parliament). The question of language was in the forefront of the policies of Magyarization by which Lajos Kossuth and other nationalists demanded an integrated Hungary stretching from the Carpathian Mountains to the Adriatic Sea. Hungarian pseudo liberalism denied others what Hungarians were demanding for themselves. On the other hand, nationalism in Croatia, and other non-Magyar regions was not less intense then that of the Magyars. It was inevitable that these forces and passions would clash sooner or later.

The Military Frontier and the army did not play a significant role in the national movement. But it had not been isolated from the spirit of the time either. There were demands from the Frontier for better living conditions, for reduction of military obligations, and even for the abolition of the region as a separate political unit from the rest of Croatia.¹⁰

Jelačić himself was under the influence of the leaders of the “Illyrian” movement, like Ljudevit Gaj and others. However, this did not prevent him from being a loyal officer of the empire.

Jelačić and the Events of 1848

Scene from Jelačić’s ceremonial installation on the position of Croatian ban in Zagreb, June 4, 1848 (Contemporary engraving published in Zagreb’s weekly Svijet on May 19, 1928)

With Ferdinand’s approval of Magyar self-rule in March 1848, a new situation developed in the relationship between Hungary and Croatia. From that moment, Hungarians were responsible to their Diet (Parliament) and not to the emperor/king. (The official title of the Austrian emperor in Hungary and Croatia was king, not emperor.) The king would no longer be able to veto resolutions and laws passed by the Diet in Hungary even if such laws were directed against other nations and nationalities in the kingdom. Therefore, non-Magyars were thrown at the mercy of the ruling nation. The results of this development were soon felt. The Hungarian Diet passed legislation by which Croatian political and cultural distinctions were to be obliterated. In one of his speeches Kossuth declared that there had never been a Croatian name or a Croatian nation.¹¹

A provisional national assembly was called in Zagreb on March 25, 1848 in order to respond to the dramatic changes in Hungary and their effects on Croatia. This was done on the initiative of some leading Croatian liberals. However, only a few days earlier one of the conservative nationalists, Franjo Kulmer, who had good relations with the Court, went to the capital to advocate the Croatian cause among influential circles in Vienna. Interestingly enough, Croatian nationalists of both liberal and conservative political persuasions, wanted Jelačić to lead the nation through this growing crisis. They believed that a man with his popularity and character, who had also the army behind him, could make a stand against the Magyars and their imperialistic appetite. He was a nationalist but a Habsburg loyalist who believed that the only way to stop the Hungarians was to be on the side of Vienna. On March 23, 1848, Kulmer succeeded in Vienna to get Jelačić nominated as the new Croatian Ban (Viceroy); two days later the provisional assembly in Zagreb unanimously acclaimed him for that position without knowing about the Vienna nomination.

However, no one asked Jelačić if he would accept the nomination. On the contrary, he was not eager to get involved in the political arena. On March 26, 1848 he wrote to his brother: “Indeed we live in extraordinary days. That I am Ban, Privy Councilor, and General you will know already…. I can forbid no one to nominate me; but if they ask me whether I wish to be Ban, then decidedly I say No!”¹² He was at the same time promoted to the rank of Lieutenant Field-Marshal and Commanding General in Croatia, including the Military Frontier.

Jelačić, therefore, became Ban without the approval of the government in Hungary, so in the Magyar eyes it was an illegal appointment. This defiance made the new Ban completely independent from Pest. Hungarians began giving orders to the Frontier regiments and to local governments in Croatia, but Jelačić issued a proclamation forbidding anyone to take orders from anyone except himself. He officially broke all relations with Hungary, leaving it to the new Croatian Sabor (Parliament) to renegotiate Hungarian-Croatian relations.

The Hungarian government tried to stop the meeting of the Sabor. Due to Magyar pressure, the Habsburg emperor ordered Jelačić to call off the meeting. But Jelačić declared that “he could not obey the order of his sovereign who does not have his free will.”¹³ The Sabor was solemnly opened on June 5, 1848. It confirmed all the decisions made by Jelačić since he took office, among them abolition of serfdom and the law of equal taxation. This finally ended feudalism in Croatia. The Sabor then proposed a structural change of the Habsburg empire. It advocated federalism, in accordance with the wishes of other Slavs in the realm. This Sabor deliberated in full freedom and independence from Vienna and Pest. It proved itself to be a capable political body of free representatives.¹⁴

Jelačić’s political views, one could say, were shaped by the spirit of the time and by his military and family background. He desired to make a big step forward for his Croatian and other peoples in the empire by advancing federalism, but he was against any radical revolutionary undertakings in this process. His national feelings can be seen already in his first proclamation as Ban of Croatia, which states:

The good of the people and country; that is my wish and my sole aim. I desire that our country may be strong and free…. In all my thoughts and deeds I will be the true expression of the nation’s will and thoughts. Therefore I intend to walk and continue in the path, which shall lead our country to happiness and glory.

The revolution has shattered and overthrown the old foundations of social life and the national and governmental relations, especially those with our old ally, Hungary—therefore, remembering our ancient league with the crown of Hungary, it is necessary to renew the connection in spirit of freedom, self respect, and equality, and to form a basis worth of a free and heroic nation, though on our side all relations with the present Hungarian Ministry must be broken off….¹⁵

In his speech on the day of the opening of the new Sabor Jelačić reiterated his position:

Brothers, all the relationships between governments and the people, between state and state, between nation and nation have to be based on freedom, equality and fraternity. That demands the powerful spirit of the time in which mankind is progressing toward its perfection. On this basis we too will base our relationship with the Magyars…. In an unfortunate case, if the Magyars show themselves to be not like our brothers toward us our kinsmen in Hungary and assume the role of oppressor, let them know that we said it, the time has passed when one nation ruled over another. We are ready to prove this to them even with a sword in our hand, keeping in mind the words of our honorable Ban Ivan Erdedi: ‘Regnum Regno non praescribit leges.’ [Kingdom does not prescribe the laws to another kingdom.]¹⁶

Jelačić stressed national rights very strongly, but on the other hand he believed that the Habsburgs would respect the liberal “spirit of the time” and help to achieve the equality of various nations in the empire. He had perhaps too much faith in the Habsburgs’ good will and willingness to change. In May of 1848, Jelačić wrote to the Archduke Karl; “Is it possible that all will get their freedom and only we Croatians and Slavonians will be left to the despotism of the Magyar Ministry?… We ask you to respect us now or never!”¹⁷ He was looking for help from Vienna. It seems, however, that he already suspected help would not be forthcoming.

On June 12, 1848, Jelačić and his Council arrived in Innsbruck to present the emperor the Sabor’s recommendations; but two days earlier Hungarians had persuaded Ferdinand to dismiss the Ban. However, Jelačić did not know this when he met with the emperor. Magyar representatives were present at that audience. Furthermore, Archduke John was appointed to mediate between the Magyars and the Croatians.

Jelačić’s visit to Innsbruck was a turning point in his policies toward Vienna. Kulmer and his friends at the Court gave the impression that Vienna was fully behind the Croatian cause. One of Jelačić’s companions in Innsbruck, F. Žigović, wrote to Zagreb: “…from the highest to the lowest [person] here is disposed with the friendliest spirit toward us.”¹⁸ Jelačić agreed to call upon the Croatian soldiers in Italy to continue the fight for the empire there. He began to think as a Habsburg general again. But the contradictory situation of Croatia and her Ban became more and more evident.

To look for the reason of Jelačić’s support of the dynasty in Archduchess Sophie’s weeping on his shoulders, as some do,¹⁹ is naïve, or that the only freedom he knew was “that which he proclaimed with his sword”²⁰ is perhaps a willful misjudgment of his character. He definitely had a high vision for Croatia and the freedom of its people, as can be seen from his speeches. He must have had honorable political goals — perhaps even assurances — in mind when he decided to support the dynasty. Even Camillo Cavour of Piedmont recognized that Jelačić’s demands were in accordance with the demands of other Slavs and not based on Habsburg reactions.²¹

Jelačić learned about his dismissal as Ban while returning from Innsbruck, but he ignored it and continued to function as though nothing had changed. The Court in Vienna did press the case. Hungary, however, took the emperor’s order seriously by trying to get some anti-Jelačić support in Slavonia. But this did not bring the desired results. In Slavonia Jelačić was received as a national hero. The imperial commissioner, who was to replace Jelačić’s authority as military commander, at Magyar urging, attacked the town of Srijemski Karlovci and a general fight broke out with the local Serbian population. The Sabor in Zagreb passed a resolution to send immediate help to the Serbs, but Jelačić did not rush to engage the fight.

There was another attempt to solve the Hungarian-Croatian crisis by peaceful means. Archduke John called a meeting of Jelačić and Hungarian Prime Minster Battyanyi in Vienna in July of 1848. It is said that Jelačić asked for the impossible because he did not want peace with the Hungarians.²² However, his demands were misinterpreted “in respect of their spirit and intention.”²³ The meeting with Battyanyi did not bring any results because the Magyars demanded a total submission on the part of Croatians. It actually ended with a threat of war. Battyanyi declared to Jelačić: “Then we meet on the Drava [river].” “Say rather on the Danube,” responded Jelačić.²⁴ On this occasion in Vienna, Jelačić told the “immense multitude” that came to greet him “I wish a great, a strong, a powerful, a free, an undivided Austria.”²⁵ In response to the Magyar threat he sought to save the Monarchy and Croatia with it.

Soon after, the Habsburg war machine started to move, and Jelačić with it. On September 4, 1848, the emperor restored Jelačić to his rightful position as Ban. Three days later he was on his way from Zagreb toward the Drava, or rather toward the Danube. In his manifesto to the people before he moved into Hungary he declared: “We want a strong and free Austria…we want equality, and the same rights for all nations and nationalities living under the Hungarian crown. This was promised by the words of our sovereign to all nations in the Monarchy in March [1848].”²⁶ Obviously he had taken Ferdinand’s promises seriously.

On September 11, Jelačić crossed the river Drava. His army, however, was not a unified fighting force. The volunteers were undisciplined and not of much help. He sent 12,000 volunteers home after the battle of Pákozd on September 29.²⁷ The battle had been fought to a draw, and neither Jelačić nor the Hungarians were eager to renew the fight. Jelačić waited for 7,000 more Graničars (men from the Military Frontier), but they never arrived. Meanwhile revolution broke out in Vienna and Jelačić turned his forces toward the capital.

There are indications that Vienna had not wished Jelačić to enter Pest after he crossed the Drava. For example, the material support given him by the Court had not been significant. Also, the seven thousand Graničars under General Roth did not follow Jelačić’s plan. Meanwhile, Count Lamberg was in Pest seeing if things could be worked out between Hungarians and the Court. It seems that Jelačić was being used to put pressure on the Magyars, while Croatian interests were simply ignored.²⁸ One interpretation of these events is that Hungarian conservative forces had planned this “little war” in order to stop their Hungarian liberal colleagues in their radical pursuits.²⁹

Ban Jelačić leading his troops during the battle of Schwechat near Vienna, October 30, 1848 (Contemporary engraving published in Zagreb’s weekly Svijet on May 19, 1928)

Jelačić’s march to Vienna signified a major change of purpose in his struggle. He began fighting the Hungarian oppression and now he found himself fighting Austrian revolutionaries and also a war of the Habsburgs against the Magyars. He was appointed the Royal Commissioner of the Hungarian kingdom, but this did not mean much in reality. As soon as General Windisch-Gratz and his troops joined him near Vienna, his role became secondary. From then on, Windisch-Gratz commanded the army and events. Jelačić did win a few victories for the Habsburgs in Hungary, but these were the exploits of a Habsburg General, not of a Croatian Ban. In August 1849, Jelačić fought for Petrovaradin, his native town. It surrendered to him on September 6, 1849, ending his last military campaign and his military career as well.

Tragic Ending

Soon after the revolutionaries were pacified, Jelačić learned about the “rewards” for his loyal service. Oppression, centralization, and Germanization were equally applied to the loyalists and to the revolutionaries. This was a bitter disappointment to Jelačić. His popularity at home declined. The former pro-Magyar forces in Croatia came to power again. He was Ban in name only. From 1849 to 1851, he attended all the meetings of the government in Vienna. He resisted oppressive measures but seeing that he could do nothing about them, he stopped going to Vienna. At his last meeting he told the emperor: “Highness, there is not a single man satisfied in the country.”³⁰ But things did not improve. Jelačić himself was under police surveillance. Even his wife’s chamber maid was in the police service.³¹

A contemporary English diplomat, Sir Robert Morier, who visited Croatia soon after the revolution and even took private crash-courses in Croatian, states the following about the Habsburg treatment of Jelačić, whom he describes as “a most remarkable man:”

If ever, since the foundation of the Order of Maria Theresa, an Austrian subject deserved the Grand Cross of the Order by the fulfillment on the largest scale of the conditions originally stipulated by the rules of the Order, it was the Ban. Those rules, as is well known, recognize by preference the claims of those who have successfully achieved some great exploit either without or in contradiction to orders received from their superiors. Now, this latter was achieved by the Ban upon a scale rarely seen in history. As an outlaw he places himself at the head of an entire nation, declares war on his own responsibility, marches successfully into the very heart of the enemy’s country, and then by a brilliant maneuver, after a doubtful battle, comes to the rescue of the capital of the Empire. Nevertheless, the Chapter of the Order (on the very same day, if I am not mistaken) awarded to Prince Windishgrätz, for his successful putting down of the émeute at Prague, the Grand Cross of the Order; and to the Ban, for the services by him rendered, the Commander’s Cross only. Again, Prince Windishgrätz was named Field-Marshal, the Ban General; but two years later it was retrospectively stipulated that he should not advance towards the grade of Field-Marshal, otherwise than if he had become General by seniority.³²

The main reason for such treatment of the Ban and the Croats, according to Morier, was “the contempt which the Austrian German” has for the Austrian Slav “combined with the very real fear with which the numerical superiority of the latter inspires him.” Furthermore, the Englishman describes the Habsburg ungratefulness as follows: “…I must confess that, with every wish to make allowance for the difficulties of the situation, it yet seems to me that a more wholesale act of injustice, ingratitude, and bad faith, a display on a large scale of mean and paltry spirit, grosser fraud, more clumsily veiled, it would be difficult to meet with in all the pages of history.”³³

Jelačić was politically active until 1853. His policy was to save what could be saved. By his efforts the Zagreb diocese became an archdiocese, independent from the Hungarian church hierarchy. He organized the National Theatre in Zagreb, in which only Croatian was used. He succeeded in getting Juraj Strossmayer nominated as bishop of Djakovo. And a number of other cultural advances are also attributed to him.

In 1850, Jelačić married Countess Sophie von Stockau. He was forty nine and she was sixteen years old. On the occasion of the marriage in 1854, he received the title of Count from Francis Joseph, the emperor. But already at that time his health was waning. A year later his only child died. His public life was ended and he was tormented by all that had happened since the euphoric days at the beginning of 1848. He told one of his closer friends: “The Austrian government is killing me. I do not have any organic sickness. I am healthy. I have full strength of the body, but I am dying. Austria, in which I have believed, is destroying me.”³⁴

Jelačić died on May 20, 1859, a man whose ideals were destroyed by a regime which he helped to save. He was buried in his Novi Dvori, near Zagreb, by the side of his only child.

Conclusions

Ban Jelačić’s equestrian monument in Zagreb on original position at Ban Jelačić’s Square (on the postcard from late 1920s). The monument was erected in 1866. Removed by communist authorities in 1947, it was returned to the square after the collapse of communist regime in 1990.

Jelačić was a product of both national and pro-Habsburg feelings and loyalties which he did not perceive to be contradictory. When he entered Zagreb on his inaugural day, the whole city came out to greet him. It was an historic occasion. Croatians and many other Slavs looked at him as the only hope for a better future in the Monarchy. He declared that his only goal was the good of the people and his native land.

On the other hand, when he came to Vienna to meet Battyanyi, he was greeted again as a hero, but now by the Vienna crowd. He declared to them “I wish a great, strong, powerful, free, and undivided Austria.” He tried to synthesize these two conflicting goals. He believed that the first could be achieved through the second one. But the Habsburgs had other aims and plans for him, Croatia, and the empire.

Jelačić has been attacked from many sides, as a Panslavist, as a pro Russian, as an Austrophile, and a reactionary, among other and often contradictory labels. Even after his death, he was a hero to some and a villain to others. To Croatians he became a symbol of the struggle against the Magyars and a martyr of the devious Austrian regime. A monument was erected in the main square in Zagreb to his honor and patriotic songs about him carried his name to the younger generations. After the Second Word War, however, he was condemned once more as an antirevolutionary and reactionary figure. His monument was removed from public eye and the songs were banned. But his name could not be obliterated from the memory of the Croatian people. As soon as the communist regime in Croatia collapsed his monument was returned to its rightful place and Zagreb’s main city square bears Jelačić’s name again. He continues to be a symbol of Croatian enthusiasm for freedom and independence.

Der kroatis che Banus Josip Jelačić

Zusammenfassung

Der Autor verfasste diesen Überblick über Jelačić“ Leben anlässlich des 160-jährigen Jubiläums der 1848-er Revolution und seines Antritts in den Amt des kroatischen Banus in demselben Jahre. Dieser Überblick ist vor allem den jungen Kroaten zugedacht, die außerhalb Kroatiens leben und die grundsätzliche Informationen über das Leben und politische Tätigkeit des Banus Jelačić erfahren wollen. Der Aufsatz ist hauptsächlich aufgrund zugänglicher Literatur geschrieben und bezieht sich größtenteils auf die wichtigste Periode in der politischen Tätigkeit des Banus Jelačić – auf die Revolutionsjahre 1848-1849. Zu dieser Zeit war Jelačić nicht nur die hervorragendste Person der kroatischen Politik, sondern auch ein wichtiger Teilnehmer an den Geschehnissen in der Habsburgermonarchie im Ganzen.