Crtice iz povijesti Hrvata u Americi

JOSIP F. MIKULEC

NEUMORNI PJEŠAK KUGLOM ZEMALJSKOM

Unazad oko stotinu godina američke (vjerujem i drugdje) novine pisale su o tad mladom, moramo reći i veoma hrabrom, hrvatskom pustolovu Joži Mikulcu, koji se uputio pješice za pet godina obići kuglu zemaljsku. Tim putovanjem, moglo bi se reći, Joža postaje vječiti putnik. Putovao je širom kugle zemaljske, najviše pješice, barem 28 godina i proslavio se prikupljanjem preko 30.000 autografa raznih svjetskih uglednika. Neka važnija američka glasila pratila su, s vremena na vrijeme, njegov hod kroz ovaj naš bijeli svijet.

Nisam zapazio da se ovog, ako ne baš znamenitog, ali svakako zanimljivog Hrvata spominjalo među nama u Americi, svakako ne zadnjih desetljeća. Koliko se o njemu pisalo u Hrvatskoj u njegovo vrijeme i kasnije, nisam imao prigodu istraživati. To ostavljam znatiželjnima u domovini. Ovo moje upoznavanje s Mikulcem nek bude doprinos budućoj potpunijoj biografiji toga američkog Hrvata nemirna duha i uvijek spremna derati đonove novih cipela.

Joža Mikulec mi je prvi put „zapeo za oko“ kad sam pretraživao mikrofilmove čikaške Hrvatske Zastave i u broju od 24. prosinca 1908. pročitao prijevod članka iz dnevnika Star Journal od 23. studenog 1908 iz Pueblo, Colorado. Naime, koncem studenog 1908. Josip Mikulec je boravio u tom gradu i novine su donijele podulje izvješće o njegovu putovanju pješice od Zagreba do Puebla.

Među ostalim se veli, da je tih dana u grad Pueblo stigao Mikulec „mlad Hrvat“, koji je napravio ugovor s Maticom hrvatskom u Zagrebu (njezinim nakladnim zavodom) da će za pet godina proći 25.000 milja pješice i nakon putovanja napisati putopis, a Matica će mu isplatiti 50.000 kruna i izdati knjigu. Zato je Josip, veli novina, tokom putovanja svaki tjedan slao izvješće Matici o prevaljenom putu.

Mikulec je pošao iz Zagreba 5. veljače 1906. i do dolaska u Pueblo prevalio 15.800 milja, te da je nadmašio svoj plan i raspored putovanja za 800 milja. Putovao je bez ikakvih materijalnih sredstava, jedino je prodavao razglednice i od toga kupovao hranu. A moglo bi se zasigurno dodati, da je bilo uvijk dobrih i darežljivih ljudi koji su mu priskakali u pomoć.

Put iz Hrvatske našeg je Jožu vodio preko Italije, Francuske i Španjolske do Portugala. Otud je brodom otplovio u Cape Town, a odatle je otputovao u Argentinu. Htio je preći iz Mendoze u Čile, ali zbog hladnoće i snijega u Andama, pošao je prema Buenos Airesu. Posebice je imao problema preko provincije Pampa; osim neprikladna terena za hodanje, trpio je nestašicu hrane i vode, a usput su ga orobili i razbojnici. Bilo je to 1907. godine. U Buenos Airesu Mikulec se susreo s najbogatijim Hrvatom u Argentini, brodovlasnikom Nikolom Mihanovićem, koji ga je vrlo gostoljubivo primio.

Iz Buenos Airesa je otišao u Montevideo, zatim prema sjeveru kroz Brazil (Santos, Rio de Janeiro, Vitoria, Bahia). I u Brazilu je bio orobljen, ali su mu tamo najviše jada zadavali komarci. U Brazilu se, kao radnik, ukrcao na parobrod i stigao u Philadelphiu, a odatle je pošao u Baltimor i Washington – kroz Virginiju, Zapadnu Virginiju, Kentucky i dio Ohia, Indianu, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas do Colorada. Kamo god je prolazio, tražio je razne uglednije osobe da mu dadu autograf i, u slučaju državnih i drugih službenika, da udare pečat grada, općine ili države u njegovu knjigu napravljenu za tu svrhu, a koju je pažljivo čuvao.

Članak iz Puebla donosi i Josipove pohvale Americi i Amerikancima, te veli da je Mikulec 22. studenog stigao u mjesto Springs, Colorado, i da će odsjesti kod Nikole Badovinca, te zatim nastaviti put prema zapadnoj obali, a iz Portlanda je trebao poći u Australiju, pa preko Japana (Azije), te sibriskim vlakom preko Rusije do St. Petersburga.

Opis Josipova putovanja do Portlanda i dalje još nisam uspio pronaći, ali sam pronašao članak u Chicago Daily Tribune (29. srpnja 1910.) u kojem piše da je svjetski putnik Mikulec stigao u Chicago 27. srpnja, da Hrvati za njega priređuju doček za nedjelju 30. srpnja u Nacionalnom domu na 18. ulici, te da zatim odlazi u Springfield, glavni grad države Illinois, da bi od guvernera mogao dobiti autograf, kao što je dobio od drugih guvernera kroz čije države je prolazio. Također se navodi da je imao autentičan autograf predsjednika Amerike Tafta. Članak završava da je Mikulec dotad poderao 42 para cipela i da mu putovanje ide po planu kako je ugovorio s Maticom, i čak da je je 19 dana ispred planiranog vremena.

Iza ovog mog „susreta“ s Mikulcem u Chicagu, nisam mogao ništa pobliže saznati o nastavku njegova putovanja do njegove ponovne pojave u Chicagu. Gore spomenuta čikaška novina od 21. veljače 1917. (znači blizu sedam godina kasnije) piše da je Mikulec ponovo dopješačio u Chicago, da mu je propao ugovor s Maticom hrvatskom jer nije ispunio obećanja, da je počeo pisati putopis, ali se to izrodilo u romantični roman. Ovaj put se navodi da je poderao 36 pari cipela, što bi značilo da je Mikulec, premda nije ispunio Matičine uvjete, nastavio pješačiti i dalje, te valjda iznova počeo brojati koliko je poderao cipela. Ali najvažnija vijest u članku je ta da je Mikulec dan prije, „nakićen duzinom“ raznih odličja na grudima, sa svojom zaručnicom Mary Medrić posjetio gradski ured za vađenje vjenčanih dozvola. Ona je tada imala 36, a on 39 godina. Pisac članka veli da je Mikulec tad postao „obični čikaški ‘Joe’, umjesto hrvatskog ‘Jože’“ i da će mladi par živjeti na adresi 1332 W. 18. ulica, Chicago. Usput, u tom dijelu grada bila je jedna od tadašnjih velikih hrvatskih naseobina. Dakle, bilo bi za očekivati da se sad Joe Mikulec oženio, smirio i nastavio „normalan“ život među Hrvatima u ovom gradu. Ali, novinar se prevario, on je i dalje ostao „hrvatski Joža“ i nastavio putovati svijetom.

Naime, New York Times od 2. rujna 1923. donosi članak o Josephu Mikulcu, „sakupljaču autografa“. Članak ističe da je Mikulec dva puta obišao svijet pješice, sakupljajući autografe uglednijih osoba kamogod je prolazio. Tih dana je bio u New Yorku i njegovu ogromnu, kožom uvezanu knjigu s autografima (koja je tad težila 57 funti) potpisao je gradonačelnik John F. Hylan, kao i važnije osobe iz poslovnih krugova, kazališta, politike i drugi. U knjizi su bili potpisi američkih predsjednika T. Roosevelta, W.H. Tafta, W. Wilsona, W.G. Hardya i C. Coolidgea, kao i mnogih drugih uglednika: Lloyd George, Lord Curzona, Princa od Walesa, predsjednika Kine, admirla Togoa, J. Pierpont Morgana, raznih senatora, guvernera, ambasadora itd. Članak donosi sažetak priče o njegovu prvom putovanju i dodaje da je Jožin stalan boravak u to vrijeme (rujan 1923.) bio u Philadelphiji i da je u prosincu 1910 postao američki državljan, te da je otada, to jest od 1910. do 1923. obišao slijedeće zemlje: Australiju, Novi Zeland, Kinu, Japan, Indiju, Egipat, Svetu Zemlju i Južnu Afriku. Mikulec je za novine izjavio da je već umoran, da se želi smiriti i otpočeti „normalan“ život na kakvoj manjoj farmi u američkim plodnim ravnicama, a da bi knjigu sa autografima želio vidjeti u kakvu muzeju. Ali, ipak je želja za putovanjem pobijedila pa je Joža tada iz New Yorka krenuo prema zapadu.

Samo dva i pol mjeseca kasnije (20. studenog 1923.) New York Times opet donosi članak o Joži, ovaj put malo podulje štivo. Veli se da je Joža ponovo stigao u New York noseći svoju kjigu od 2.896 stranica i tešku 58 funti. Joža je došao u grad i odmah posjetio tvrtku Rosenbach, trgovinu rijetkih knjiga, da bih unovčio dragocjene autografe. Glavni mu je razlog za prodaju bio umor od nosanja te velike knjižurine. Zanimljivo je da ga je u trgovinu pratio novinar New York Timesa, koji opisuje Jožu i njegovo podrijetlo. Novinar dalje piše da je Joža vječiti putnik, nabraja iskupljene autografe znameniti ljudi, kako se Joža žali da nije uspio dobit autograf ni jednog kralja, itd. Mikulec je tražio 10.000 dolara za knjigu a vlasnik Dr. Rosenbach je prosudio da je to realna cijena, ali da se on ne bavi takvim knjigama, nego mu je preporučio posjetiti Henry E. Huntingtona u Kaliforniji, koji bi možda otkupio knjigu ove vrste. Mikulec se uhvatio za glavu i kazao da ima Huntingtonov autograf, ali da mu nije palo na pamet ponuditi mu knjigu kad je bio kod njega.

Jožu Mikulca ponovo susrećemo u New York Timesu 30. listopada 1927., ali ovaj put novina donosi samo njegovu fotografiju na kojoj znatiželjnim prolaznicima na ulicama Berlina pokazuje svoju ogromnu knjigu autografa. To znači da Joža nije prodao knjigu i da se nije smirio, kako je priželjkivao dok je bio u New Yorku četiri godine ranije, nego je nasatavio putovati svijetom.

Zadnji članak o njemu kojeg sam mogao pronaći u New York Timesu je od 29. travnja 1928., a naslovljen je „Čovjek 28 godina na turneji skupljanja autografa“. Podnaslov glasi: „Vozi u posebnim kolicima 55 funti težak svezak koji sadrži 30.000 potpisa.“ Članak navodi da je Joža tada imao 50 godina, da je iz Hrvatske, da je prije 28 godina pošao po svijetu skupljajući autografe poznatih osoba i da knjiga sadrži potpise nekoliko europskih vladara, devet američkih predsjednika i mnogobrojnih glasovitih umjetnika, pisaca, glumaca, znanastvenika, poltičara, vjerksih uglednika itd. Knjigu je vozio na posebno sagrađenim kolicima, ali ju je ipak morao na leđima nositi u urede osobama od kojih je tražio potpis. Josip izjavljuje da je prošao stotine tisuća milja i da nastavlja svoje putovanje svijetom prikupljajući autografe.

Zahvaljujući internetu (boards.ancestry.co.uk) nalazimo slijedeće podatke: Josip Franjo Mikulec rođen je 15. siječnja 1878. u selu Krušljevu od oca Josipa Mikulca i majke Kate r. Novosel iz istog sela. Također se, u istom izvoru, navodi da je Mikulec došao u Ameriku 1905. i da je oženio Annu Stiopu 20. lipnja 1908. u Westfield, Chautauqua County, NY, a da na molbi za američko državljanstvo (rujan 1910.) piše da nije oženjen.

U članku u New York Timesu od 2. rujna 1923. se kaže da je rođen u Stubici, a Krušljevu selo je nedaleko od Stubičkih toplica. Nadalje, članak iz 1928. navodi da Josip putuje već 28 godina, ako je to točno onda je on mogao biti u Americi i prije 1905., a zatim se vratiti u Hrvatsku i dogovarati s Maticom putovanje oko svijeta, koje je otpočeo 5. veljače 1906. Vjerovati je da je Joža ipak bio barem malo upoznao svijet prije nego se poduzeo poći pješice oko kugle zemaljske. Što se tiče ženidbe, ako je sklopio brak sa Annom Stiopu, rumunjskom pjesnikinjom koja je iz Rumunjske krenula pješice u svijet u svibnju 1905., izgleda da brak dvoje svjetskih lutalica nije trajao dugo i Josip se ponovo ženi 1917. u Chicagu.

Kako rekoh na početku, ovo je samo mali doprinos biografiji jednog Hrvata, vječitog pješaka lutalice po svijetu. Nameću se mnoga pitanja na koja bi trebalo odgovoriti, kao na primjer: gdje i kada je umro, da li je imao potomstvo, koje je sve zemlje propješačio, da li postoje izvješća koja je slao (ako je slao) Matici, a posebice gdje i kako je završila ta ogromna Jožina knjiga s autografima? Ako se pronađu detalji o Jožinim putovanjima i autografima, vjerujem da bi njegovo ime moglo i trebalo biti u knjizi Guinnes World Records.

Nadam se da sam člančićem barem malo probudio pozornost čitatelja na ovoga hrvatskog neumornog svjetskog putnika pješaka, te da će ovaj dopis nekoga ponukati istražiti, napisati i objaviti potpuniji životopis Josipa Franje Mikulca te pronaći gdje je i kako su završili on i njegovo blago kojeg je sakupljao toliko godina.

Ante Čuvalo – Chicago

***

* Slika 1.- u vlasništvu A. Čuvalo
* Slika 2. – uzeta sa web-a: boards.ancestry.co.uk
* Zahvaljujem osoblju u Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library in Pueblo za kopiju clanka o Josipu Mikulec iz Star Journal, 23. studenog, 1908.

Our Declaration – A 1916 declaration by Croatian and Slovene Priests in America

Our Declaration

(A 1916 declaration by Croatian and Slovene Priests in America)

As Croatians and sons of the nation of Croatia, and of our fraternal Slovene lands, from the very start, we hereby announce and confirm our political stance as regards our homeland during these bellicose times—times which hold seen and unforeseen consequences.

We stand on the national, state, historical, and written rights of the Nation of Croatia and her people, which are contained, among others, in the Coronation Oaths taken by Croatian rulers as far back as 1490 and beyond, in fact, up to this very day; these rights are also contained in the Electoral Charter from the year 1527, as well as in the Pragmatic Sanction dated 1712. In short, we stand by the program as represented by the Party of Right from the year 1894 and as developed and promulgated long since by the apostle of Croatianism, Dr. Ante Starčević, and as adopted by our Slovene brothers at the gathering in Trsat.

We believe in the strength, national awareness, and patriotism of the Croatian and Slovene Peoples whom much more powerful enemies were unable to crush, as witnessed by 14 centuries of our history. In that already realized past, we look to our freedom and independence.

We believe that the Croatians and Slovenes, who are bound by faith, history, culture, and a contemporary national consciousness, factors that are powerful features in the nation of all peoples, comprise one whole group of peoples in southern Europe, and, as such, have all the necessary prerequisites for independence.

We know that from its inception in 924, the Croatian Nation, stretching from Mt. Triglav to the Drina and from the Danube to the Adriatic has never ceased to be, not even in its darkest days in the past, nor in more recent times from 1790 to the present. She has remained as a Nation and as a People, and will continue to remain so. Her loyal sons will not traffic with her rights.

We know that official Austria and Hungary, Turkey and Italy, aided by Great Britain, have, through the centuries, encroached and truncated the sacred rights and freedom of the Croatian People. The past history of the Croatians and Slovenes has condemned publicly and continues to condemn those very same peoples for all the wrongs and violations of their rights. Through the centuries we have fought and stood firm for our rights, rights which we will continue to value and honor, and which we ourselves must and will ultimately accomplish. Those who doubt the abilities of people to free themselves, thereby deny existence to them. Peoples who gain their freedom at the hands of others soon become their subordinates.

In the name of humanity and the right of a People to exist, we strongly condemn Hungary’s politics of force, and Austria’s approval of such politics. We seek the right to freely develop and will continue to seek the right for Croatians to retain their own lands and sea, as well as all their other rights. In the name of all the Croatian and Slovene blood spilt on the battlefields of Europe, we will seek that all wrongs against us be corrected, for that spilt blood cries out for revenge from God who is the avenger of all wrongs.

Herein we assert that the so-called Serbian element which was born and lives in the nation of Croatia during the past fifty years, or, better said, since they emerged on the political scene in Croatia, has always and faithfully stood on the side and at the service of the enemies of Croatia—especially the Hungarians, Austrians, and Italians. As to the question of the Slavs in general, and the South-Slavs in particular, our thoughts are guided by those expressed in the writings of our Croatian statesmen—patriots in life and work—Eugen Kvaternik and Ante Starčević, as well as by the mournful experience related to this question which befell our great Bishop Strossmajer from the very founding of the Jugoslav Academy and up to the very year 1885. When Bishop Strossmajer wanted to visit Serbia, the response of the Serbian government was that it could not guarantee his life or safety if he were to visit his flock which lived in Serbia. The fanatcism of the Serbs, a particular characteristic of theirs, was previously seen as being strong, as based on their oft repeated syntagm: “Serbians all and everywhere.” That fanaticism is now even stronger. According to their notion and teaching, all the Balkan Peoples should be subsumed by Serbia. We do not wish to become Serbs, or Yugoslavs, nor Serbo-Croatians, but we will remain Croatians, brothers to all remaining Slavs; however, each in his own house, in his own land, and within the scope of his own rights. From the time our forefathers settled in our present homeland, we have evolved and we have created our own history in this manner.

With Italy’s entrance into the present war, she commended the insane Austrian politics against the Croatians and Slovenes as related to their Littoral and Dalmatia. By being favorable to the Italian minority, Austria prepared the way for the Italian aggression. The French, English, and Russian Trilateral Memo of Understanding promised Italy ownership of the Adriatic and possession of our shore and the lands between Trieste and beyond. We most strongly condemn this traitorous act carried out by the great powers. England did not offer the Island of Malta to Italy as a reward for entering the war—an island she rules but which is inhabited only by Italians; nor did she offer them greater rights in the Mediterranean wherein she and the French rule, and even less, dominion in Egypt. France did not grant Italy the territories of Savoy or part of Tunisia where more than one and one-half million Italians live. Russia, which has interests in the Kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro, acceded to the promises made to Italy such that no one asked Serbia or Montenegro at the time the promise was made to Italy; rather, they simply informed it (Serbia) of what they sold to Italy. These who thunder and rule in Europe did not offer that which, by virtue of the principles governing nationhood, they should have offered; rather, they gifted the very eyes and door of Croatian state and people to treacherous and enemy Italy, so that she might close the door and eyes of the Croatian Nation forever. They offered the bones and flesh of the Croatian and Slovene Peoples at the marketplace so as to buy Italy’s entrance into the war, a war where Croatian and Slovene heroes are dying while defending their home and hearth from the treachery committed against their Peoples by France, England, and Russia. In the announcements to their peoples, these powers stated that they are going to war for sake of freeing small nations. Their history belies such an announcement since they never freed so much as one People. To the contrary, they, in fact, always opposed such freedom; nor should they castigate Germany or Austria in that regard. They promised foreigners a full two-thirds of Croatian lands such that one-third of its 110,000 square kilometers will cease to remain part of Croatia once the fundamentals of the Trilateral Agreement and Italy take place…“They divided my garments and cast lots for them.”

A free and united Croatia will order its international and political relationships, and will enter into agreements and laws according to the principle which states: “regnum regno non praescribit leges”—“One nation does not prescribe laws to another.”

Previous [pro-Yugoslav] declarations, starting with that from the gathering in Chicago on the 10th of March, 1915, fail to mention any sort of guarantees sought by an independent People as a condition of their independence; quite to the contrary, they obliterate the basis for individual and national existence for the Croatians. They divest Croatia of its past, its rights, its national name, and its national significance.

Thus far, there is no authoritative declaration on anyone’s part that Croatia will remain independent in “Yugoslavia”; to the contrary, representatives of the parties that have the authority to issue such a declaration made pronouncements at their gatherings and in their speeches in favor of a monarchical Serbia. We do not want the nation of the Croatian People to be swallowed by a unitary “Yugoslavia,” or better said, a Greater Serbia, a Croatia that is at least three centuries older than the nation of Serbia. We remain loyal to God, to our People and Homeland, and to him to whom our people conveyed their sovereign right to rule, and which persists to this day, and is sustained through the Crown of Croatian rulers.

In conclusion, and in the uncertain position in play on these shores wherein our immigrants live, let the tried and tested words of the defenders of our People’s rights, namely, Dr. Matko Laginje from Istria, representative Stjepan Zagorac from the province of Croatia, Rev. Ivo Prodan from Dalmatia, Bishop Šarić from Bosnia, and Dr. I Kreka, from Kranjska in Slovenia, serve as our guiding beacon.

Let the war end as it will, we do not abrogate our stand; rather, we will seek an Independent Croatian Nation along with all those rights possessed by a sovereign people.

Rev. Dr. E. Kajić

Rev. Pet. Čančarević (after signing the document, he withdrew his name)

Rev. Bosiljko Bekavac

Rev. Ivan Raab

Rev. Ambroz Širca

Rev. D. Krmpotić

Rev. A. Živić

Rev. Leon Josip Medić

Rev. Anton Sojar

Rev. Francis Podgoršek

Rev. Irenej Petričak

Rev. Mihael Tušek

Rev. Fr. Racinger

Rev. M. Hranilović

Rev. Valentin Mihelić

Nasa izjava 1916 – Izjava skupine hrvatskih i slovenskih svećenika u Americi

NAŠA IZJAVA“

I

K NAŠOJ IZJAVI“

STANOVIŠTE HRVATSKOG I SLOVENAČKOG SVEĆENSTVA

U AMERICI GLEDOM NA JUGOSLAVENSKU,

BOLJE VELIKO-SRPSKU PROPAGANDU U AMERICI.

CINE 25 CENTI

TISAK „NARODNOG LISTA“, NEW YORK, N.Y.

NAKLADA: CROATIAN PRINTING & PUBLISHING CO. N.Y.

1916

PREDGOVOR

Odkada je rat u Evropi započeo, nije hrvatsko svećenstvo izjavilo nigdje otvoreno svoje stanovište gledom na jugoslavensku, bolje veliko-srbsku propagandu, koja je u ovoj zemlji medju Hrvatima operirala punom parom, da prikže svojim gospodarem i najamnikom, e su Hrvati voljni i željni, da se odreknu Hrvatskog imena i povijesti, te da su voljni postati Jugoslaveni, bolje Srbi i podanici dinastije Karagjorgjevića.

To isto svećenstvo je dapače bilo prikazivano s jedne strane po Grškoviću, kao da je solidarno s njime, — dok se s druge strane tvrdilo za njeke svećenike, da su za Švabu i Magjare.

To je prisililo pod izjavu podpisane Hrvate i Slovence svećenike u Americi, da izadju sa „Našom Izjavom“, i kašnje „K našoj izjavi“.

NAŠA IZJAVA

Na prvom mjestu kano Hrvati i sinovi domovine Hrvatske i bratskih slovenačkih zemalja naglasujemo i ovim utvrdjujemo ovdje naše političko stanovište prema našoj domovini u ova ratna vremena, koja nose u sebi vidljive i nevidljive jošte posljedice.

Mi stojimo na narodnim, državnim, povjesnim i pisanim pravima države Hrvatske i njezinog naroda, koja se sadržavaju medju ostalim u krunidbenim zavjernicama hrvatskih vladara sve od god. 1490., i dalje sve do današnjega doba; zatim u izbornoj diplomi od god. 1527., te u pragmatičkoj sankciji od god. 1712. U kratko: mi stojimo na programu stranke prava od god. 1894., koga je u svojim spisima i govorima odavno razvio i dokazao apostol hrvatstva Dr. Ante Starčević, i koga na trsatskoj skupštini prihvatiše braća Slovenci.

Vjerujemo u snagu, narodnu svijest i domoljublje hrvatskoga i slovenačkoga naroda, za što nam svjedoči njegova prošlost od 14 vijekova, u kojoj ga mnogo jači neprijatelji skršiti nisu mogli, i na toj prošlosti ostvarenu gledamo njegovu slobodu i nezavisnost.

Vjerujemo, da Hrvati i Slovenci, koje veže vjera, povjest, kultura i suvereni narodni osjećaj, što su moćni faktori u državi svakoga naroda, sačinjavaju jednu cjelovitu skupinu naroda na jugu Europe, i kao takovi imaju sve preduvjete za samostalnost.

Znademo, da hrvatska država od Triglava do Drine, od Dunava do Jadrana, nije nikada od postanka svoga g. 924., prestala, pa niti u najcrnijim vremenima u dalekoj prošlosti ni u bližoj sadašnjosti od god. 1790. do danas. Ona je ostala kao država i kao narod, a takova će i ostati. Vjerni sinovi njezini neće pazariti sa njezinim pravima.

Znademo, da su službena Austrija i Magjarska, Turska i Italija, kojima je pomagala i Velika Englezka, kroz vjekove navaljivale i krnjile sveta prava i slobodu hrvatskog naroda. Prošlost Hrvata i Slovenaca odsudila je, odsudjuje neprestano i danas jošte živući narod sve krivice i oskvrnjivanja prava njegovih javnom odusdom i borbom za ista, zato uz sve ove nepravde i krivice ovaj narod ne traži osloboditelja niti ih očekuje izvana, nego iz samoga sebe, jer vjeruje u sebe da imade jakosti i samopouzdanja u radu i ustrajnosti u borbi za slobodu, koju vodi kroz stoljeća, koju će cijeniti i štovati, jer će ju sam izvojštiti. Oni, koji dvoje o sposobnosti naroda, da bi se sam oslobodio, niječu njegov opstanak. Narodi, kojima drugi dadu slobodu, postaju njihovi malodobnici.

Postupak magjarske nasilne politike i austrijsko odobravanje ove politike odsudjujemo najoštrije, i u ime čovječnosti i prava jednog naroda na opstanak i slobodan razvitak tražimo i tražiti ćemo, da Hrvatima ostanu njihove zemlje i more, njihova prava; sve krivice da se isprave, jer sadanja prolita hrvatska i slovenačka krv na bojnim poljima Europe vapi za osvetom Bogu osvetniku svake krivice.

Tvrdimo ovdje, da je takozvani srpski elemenat, koji živi i koji se je rodio u državi Hrvatskoj, kroz zadnjih pedeset godina, ili bolje odkada je stupio na političko polje u Hrvatskoj, uvijek i vjerno [je] stajao na strani i u službi neprijatelja Hrvatske, osobito Magjara, Austrije i Talijana. U pitanju Slavenstva uopće, Jugoslavenstva napose, vode nas misli izražene u spisima hrvatskih političara, patriota životom i radom, vrlih pokojnika Eugena Kvaternika i Ante Starčevića, te žalostno iskustvo koga je doživio u ovom pitanju veliki vladika Strossmajer od vremena osnutka Jugoslavenske akademije pak do god. 1885., kad je htio pohoditi Srbiju kano biskup svojih ovaca, koje živiše u Srbiji, no srpska vlada mu je pisala, da ne jamči za njegov život ako u pohode dodje. Fanatizam Srba, koji je njihovo osobito obilježje, bijaše prije jak, jer „Srbi svi i svuda“, sada je još jači; u njemu bi se morali po njihovoj nauci utopiti svi narodi na Balkanu. Mi ne idemo ni u Srbe, ni u Jugoslavne, ni u Srbo-Hrvate, nego ostajemo Hrvati, braća ostalim Slavenima, ali svaki u svojoj kući, i na svojoj zemlji i u opsegu svojih prava, jer smo se tako razvijali i povijest svoju stvarali od početka naseljenja pradjedova naših u sadanju domovinu našu.

Italija je svojim ulaskom u sadanji rat odsudila nepravednu, ludu austrijsku politiku, koju je Austrija vodila proti Hrvatima i Slovencima u Primorju i Dalmaciji, jer pogodjujući talijanskoj manjini Austrija je poripravila polje talijanskoj navali. Trojni sporazum, Franceska, Engleska i Rusija obećaše Italiji gospodstvo u Jadranu i posjed naše obale i zemlje od Trsta dalje. Ovaj prodajni rad koga izvedoše ove velevlasti mi najoštrije osudjujemo. Engleska nije Italiji ponudila za nagradu ulaza u rat, otoke Maltu u Sredozmenom moru, kojim ona gospodari, a na kome stanuju sami Talijani; niti većega prava u Sredozemnom moru, kjim vladaju Englezi i Francuzi, a još manje posjeda u Egiptu. Franceska ne dade joj pokrajine Savoie, niti Dijela Tunisa, u kojoj žive više od milijun i pol Talijana. Rusija, koja imade interesa u kraljevinama Srbiji i Crnoj Gori pristala je na obećanje Italiji, tako, da Srbije ni Crne Gore nitko ni pitao nije, kad je obećanje učinjeno, nego joj javiše što su Italiji prodali. Ovi koji sada grme i vedre u Europi ne ponudiše onoga, što bi po načelu narodnosti morali, nego su nevjernoj i neprijateljskoj Italiji dali vrata i oči hrvatske države i naroda, da ih ona zatvori i zasliepi za uvijeke. Kosti i meso hrvatskog i slovenskog naroda iznesoše na pazar, da kupe Italiju za rat, u kome pogibaju hrvatski i slovenski junaci braneći prag svoj od izdaje, koju počiniše Franceska, Engleska i Rusija na njihovom narodu. U svojim proglasima narodu za rat oglasiše one, da idu u rat za oslobodjenje malenih naroda. Povijest njihova jest protivna ovom proglasu, jer nijednoga naroda nikada oslobodile nisu, nego protivno, slobodu im uništile, te ne trebaju Njemačke i Austrije koriti radi toga. Obećaše tudjinu pune dvije trećine hrvatskih zemalja, tako da od 110.000 četvornih kilometara zemlje neće ostati Hrvatskoj niti jedna trećina, kada se izvede osnova ili ugovor izmedju trojnog sporazuma i Italije. „Razdijeliše haljine moje, i kockaše se za nje“.

Slobodna i ujedinjena Hrvatska u uredjivanju svojih medjunarodnih pravnih i političkih odnošaja ugovarati će i sklapati će ugovore i zakone po načlu: „regnum regno non praescribit leges“. Država državi ne propisuje zakona.

Dosadanje rezolucije počamši sa onom na sastanku u Chicagu od 10. ožujka 1915. ne spominju nikakvih garancija, koje samostalan narod kano uvjete svojoj samostalnosti traži, nego naprotiv držimo, da one ruše temelj hrvatskog individualnoga i državnoga opstanka, Hrvatsku lišavaju njezine prošlosti, njezinih prava, narodnoga imena i njezinoga državnoga značaja.

Autoritativne izjave do sada nema od nijedne strane, da će u „Jugoslaviji“ ostati samostalna Hrvatska, nego naprotiv izaslanici jedne strane, koja imade autoritet da to izjavi, izjavljivaše se na sastancima i u njihovim govorima, za monarhičnu veliku Srbiju. U jedinstvenoj državi „Jugoslaviji“ ili točnije Velikoj Srbiji nećemo da se gubi država hrvatskoga naroda, koja je barem tri vijeka starija od države Srba. Vjerni Bogu, narodu i domovini svojoj, te onomu, na koga je narod prenesao svoje suvereno pravo vladati, koje se odrazuje u kruni hrvatskih vladara.

Na koncu u ovom nejasnom položaju, koji se nalazi u ovim našim stranama, gdje mi iseljenici živimo, nama neka budu luči vodilicom patriotizam i riječi prokušanih boraca za narodna prava gg. Dra. Matka Laginje iz Istrije, zastupnika Stjepana Zagorca iz Hrvatske, don Ive Prodana iz Dalmacije, biskupa Šarića iz Bosne, te Dra. I. Kreka iz Kranjske.

Svršio se rat kako mu drago, mi se ne odričemo, već ćemo tražiti hrvatsku samostalnu državu sa svim njezinim pravima, koja imade suvereni narod.

Rev. Dr. E. Kajić

Rev. Pet. Čančarević (opozvao)

Rev. B. Bekavac

Rev. Ivan Raab

Rev. Ambroz Širca

Rev. D. Krmpotić

Rev. A. Živić

Rev. Leon Josip Medić

Rev. Anton Sojar

Rev. Francis Podgoršek

Rev. I. Petričak

Rev. Mihael Tušek

Rev. Fr. Racinger

Rev. M. Hranilović

Rev. Valentin Mihelić

Gornja „Izjava“ je podpuno jasna, nu, pošto je naravno, da se u takvim izjavama ili rezolucijama gleda biti što kraći, pokazala se potreba, da se „Našoj Izjavi“ dodade njeki komentar ili tumač. Tim više bila je to potreba, što protivnički listovi nas objedjuju, da mi ne želimo slobodu; da hoćemo ropstvo i slično. Pod naslovom „K Našoj Izjavi“ donosimo takovi komentar, u kojem neprijateljima političke samostalnosnosti naše Hrvatske domovine i trgovcima, njezinih prava dokazujemo, kako će izgledati sloboda naša drage domovine, koju naši politički protivnici očekuju od Četvrtoga Sporazuma (Entente).

K NAŠOJ IZJAVI

Hrvatski i slovenski svećenici i podpisani na „Našoj Izjavi“, izdali su tu „Izjavu“ skroz spontano bez ikakvih debata, sastanaka, poticanja, mamljenja, obećavanja ili prijetnja. Predložilo se pismeno, u kojemu smislu treba da izdamo izjavu i svi jednoglasno rekoše, da je takova izjava nuždna i da je svaki osjećao nuždu i dužnost slične izjave. Poznati izmamljivač političkih izjava, Don Niko Gršković, znade ponajbolje, da se od hrvatskih svećenika ne izmamljuju tako lahko jugoslavenske bolje slavosrpske izjave. To ga je poučio naš chicažki sastanak, na koji je došao sa svim svojim aparatima i spremama, kojemu su prisustvovali svi oni, na koje je on mogao računati, pa je ipak otišao duga nosa. Doista je bilo žalostno i tragično za toga trgovca političkih izjava, kada morade otići sa sastanka bez željno željkovane izjave, za koju već bio siguran i za koju je već bio sastavio kabelgram na londonski komite, što je glasio: Svi hrvatski svećenici su za jugoslaviju. To je moja zasluga. Molim da se uvaži, pa da bude što obilnija nagrada itd.

Jest, reći će kogod, al Gršković je ipak izmamio izjavu i s njom se pohvalio. Na ovaj prigovor mora se svakako ogovoriti. Gršković i njegova dva trabanta gg. Relić i Medin su najprije iznijeli čisto slavosrpsku rezoluciju, u kojoj traže ujedinjenje troimenoga naroda (srpskog, hrvatskog i slovenačkog) u jednu jedinstvenu državu — Jugoslaviju, dakako pod žezlom Karagjorgjevića.

Kad je ta rezolucija s indignacijom odbijena, da se oslabi utisak blamaže, trebalo je ma što poduzeti, jer inače s bogom ugled Don Nike pred cijelim Srpstvom i Slavosrpstvom; do vraga dinari, rublje pa i lire, kano i obećane časti u „njihovom kraljevstvu“ — Jugoslaviji. I Don Niko se dade na posao, da nas „uhvati u rijči“.

Donio drugu rezoluciju tako kapcioznu, da je mislio i u sebi uskliknuo: „eureka“! Ali i opet razočaranje, jer se rezolucija kljaštrila sve dotle, dok nije iz nje odstranjen svaki trag i miris Slavosrpštine.

U usvojenoj rezoluciji mi tražimo: 1. podpunu slobodu vjere; 2. ekonomsko osobodjenje i 3. ujedinjenje hrvatskog naroda.

Po sebi se razumije, da nismo mislili na ovaku vjersku slobodu, koju imadu katolici u Rusiji, Francuzkoj ili Srbiji. Takvu vjersku slobodu si mogu želiti naši katolički Slavosrbi, ali nikada pravi Hrvati katolici. Mi znamo, da je u Austro-Ugarskoj Monarhiji pdpuna sloboda vjerska, ali nije podpune slobode u upravi ckve, a osobito baš katoličke, u koju se država mješa. Samo takvu slobodu smo razumjeli u toj rezoluciji i nju zahtjevamo.

Ekonomičku t. j. financijalnu i gospodarstvenu slobodu traže svi pošteni i rodoljubni Hrvati, a osobito podpuno financijalno oslobodjenje od Magjarske, u koje nas je bacila nesretna nagodba sa Magjarskom.

To je program, odnosno esencijalni dio programa stranke prava, na koji mi prisižemo; dočim glavni korifeji naših Slavosrba rekrutiraju se iz koalicije, koja je magjarofilska i koja taj sistem naše financijalne podredjenosti brani i podržava. Zato Don Gršković nije s tim učinio nikakve usluge Potočnjaku magjaronu-koalicinašu i njegovoj prodajničkoj družbi.

Pod ujedinjenjem hrvatskog naroda rekli smo izrično i mislili ujedinjenje svih hrvatskih i slovenačkih zemalja u jednu nezavisnu i slobodnu državu, koja će si sama gospodariti, kojoj neće biti gospodarom ni Austrija, ni Magjarska, pa makar imala s njima zajedeničkog vladara (personalnu uniju). Eto, to je čisti program hrvatske stranke prava.

Eto, to je naš ideal, to znači ona naša izjava sastavljena na chikažkom sastanku. Na ovu rezoluciju je pristao i Gršković i njegova družba, osim Rev. Relića, kojemu je bilo prevruće na sastanku pa se izgubio prije vremena.

Rev. Gršković se pohvalio u svojoj novini, kako nas je naveo da se zamjerimo Austriji i veselo si tro ruke, a ne vidi sjerotinja, da se on blamirao prama svojim gospodarima. Da se mi ne bojimo zamjeriti Austro-Ugarskoj, predbaciti joj i najstrožije odsuditi njezine griehe počinjene na hrvatskom narodu, to mu je najrječitiji dokaz „Naša Izjava“.

ZAŠTO SMO IZDALI „NAŠU IZJAVU“?

Lovac i trgovac političkih izjava i rezolucija Don Niko Gršković i družina — tutti quanti — Slavosrbi neprestance nas trpali u slavensku torbu, da nas, kad dodje tome vrijeme, iztresu pred kralja Petra, a traže onda nagradu; da cijeli svijet vidi, da su se Hrvati odrekli svoje političke eksistencije i svakoga prava na nju, te se zadovoljuju s time da smiju pod dinastijom Karagjorgjevića zvati se Jugoslaveni. Tako su to zamislili „Srbi svi i svuda“; tako se imala ostvariti srpska „zavetna misao“. U tu svrhu se drže skupštine, stvaraju rezolucije, plaćaju mnogobrojne novine pisane ćirilicom i latinicom. Sve to vode i provode prodani Slavosrbi i Srbi.

Skupe po 200-300 ljudi (većinom svagdje Srbi) i onda se deru kao cirkuski pelivani: evo vidite ljudi, čujte narode, počujte Alirci, sav hrvaski narod se odriče svoje političke individualnosti i eksistencije i prelazi u jugoslavenstvo i jugoslavensku državu pod dinastijom Petra Mrkonjića. Takove se izjave dobro rentiraju kristalizirajući se u zlatne rublje i dinare, a bogme i u lire.

To je njima svejedno! Eksistencija je majke Hrvatske dobro unovčena. Dobije li još kogod mitru i prefekturu u kojme „Srezu“ velike Srbije (n. pr. Boduliju), onda je trud nagradjen. Dušo moja, šta hoćeš više!

Kad se započeo grozni rat mislili su naši handl-tandleri: ode Austrija k vragu, Hrvatsku će dobiti Srbija i posrbiti će nas istim načinom i sredstvima kano i macedonske Bugare, drži se Veljo, pametan budi, Veljo, ugrabi što možeš, unovči, što se dade unovčiti. Oni isti, koji su prije dvije godine prodavali (za peštanske tiz korone) hrvatsku morsku obalu Magjarima, stavljaju se na čelo toj izdajničkoj trgovini sa eksistencijom naše hrvatske domovine, koja jim ne bi smjela nikada ni kosti primiti.

Ne traže i ne tražiše izdajice svoje domovine, da jim Srbi poštuju prava i integritet domovine, da ne tiču u njezinu samostalnost. Ne, oni ne smjedoše o tome ni pisnuti, jer znaju kakva bi jih plaća čekala od „braće“ Srba (naime onaka, kakva i bugarske rodoljube u Macedoniji), kad bi „vrag odnio Austriju“ (to je njihov obljubljeni izraz) a hrvatske zemlje došle pod Srbiju. Ne, oni to ne traže, nego se odriču slobode i samostalnosti svoje domovine za Judinu plaću.

Jedanput sam rekao, Don Niki Grškoviću ovo: deder Ti poruči Srbima, da ne tiču u naše hrvatske zemlje, deder reci Srbima, da ćemo samo onda biti prijatelji i sretni, kad bude cielokupna ujedinjena Hrvatska slobodna uz slobodnu Srbiju, pa da čuješ odgovor! I on mi reče: „hoću, sutra ću to napisati“. Dobro, onda ću Ti skinuti kapu, rekoh ja. Ali Don Niko nije držao svoje obećanje; njemu se nije izplaćalo ovakovo stanovište. U slučaju, da je Austro-Ugarska doista propala, kao što smo i mislili na početku rata, onda bi svaki rodoljub Hrvat stavio se na gornje stanovište i pred cijelim svijetom to tražio za svoju domovinu; ali to se ne slaže sa srpskom zavetnom misli, kojoj se dadoše u službu naši prodani Slavosrbi ovdje i u domovini.

Mi smo u „Našoj Izjavi“ to stanovište zauzeli u slučaju pobjede Aliiraca, onim riječima: „Svršio rat kako mu drago, mi se ne odričemo, već ćemo tražiti hrvatsku samostalnu državu sa svim njezinim pravima, koja imade suvereni narod.“ Mi smo govorili iz duše i srca svih rodoljubnih Hrvata, koji neće pazariti sa pravima svog naroda i svoje domovine; mi smo u „Našoj Izjavi“ govorili iz duše stotina hiljada junačkih hrvatskih vojnika, koji se bore i ginu kano lavovli sa Talijanom, kojeg su pozvali u pomoć na račun naših hrvatskih i slovenačkih zemalja, oni isti, od kojih se naši prodani jugoslaveni nadaju spasu, a da budu još veće i smješnije budale, pišu i govore narodu, da će Velika Srbija uzprkos cijeloj Ententi iztjerati Talijane iz naših zemalja, ni pedlja, a ma baš ni pedlja joj neće dati od naših zemalja. Ako to nije vrhunac budalaštine i pljuska zdravom razumu hrvaskog naroda, onda nemože drugo ništa na svijetu biti. Organ Don Nike Grškovića je čak i to pisao, da je austro-talijanski rat samo finta, jer da su oni u zdogovoru kako će nas (Jugoslavene) zajednički uništiti.

„Jugoslavenski odbor u Londonu“ neće dopustiti, da Talijani dobiju ma jednu stopu naših zemalja“, pišu i govore bez prestanka naši Slavosrbi; a sami znaju, da taj jugoslavenski odbor nevrijedi obsolutno ništa, da on nema upliva na vlade entente ni koliko zadnji fakin na londonskoj ulici.

Kad bi oni što vrijedili, dala bi jim bogata Englezka bar kruha da se najedu i da ga neprosjače od amerikanskih siromašnih radnika. Sav rad njihov je prosti humbug i mamipara. Oni bi sigurno razvikali svaki svoj uspjeh na sve strane svijeta, ali sav njihov rad i uspjeh sastoji se u varanju sirmonašnog naroda i mamljenju dolara od njega.

Ententa bi dala ne samo hrvatske nego i srpske zemlje i istome Kinezu, ako bi ju samo htjeo i mogao spasiti iz kaše, u kojoj se nalazi.

I tomu odboru je poslao Don Niko Gršković novac „Hrvatskog Saveza“, koji su rodoljubni hrvatski radnici smetali u korist Hrvatske, a nipošto za fakine, koji nam prodavaju domovinu Srbima i Talijanima.

Jest, oni nas prodavaju upravo i Talijanima, jer biti uz Ententu, koja nas prodaje Talijanima i onda od nje spas očekivati znači direktno prodavati svoju domovinu. Od ovoga se nemožete oprati, Vi Slavosrbi i izdajice Hrvatske, i kad bi još toliko gnjusoba na nas mogli izbaciti u svojim stovarištima laži i prostote, koliko ste jih dosada izbacitli. Vi to niste nikada ni pokušali s kakvim dokazom, nego samo gnjusobama i glupim rekriminacijama. Vaša Jugoslavenska — bolje velikosrpska — politika jest politika mrcinaša i vi leaderi te politike ovdje i u Londonu jeste pravi mrcinaši. Činilo Vam se da je Austro-Ugarska Monarkija a dosljedno i u njoj i naša mila domovina Hrvatska mrcina, na koju će se, na sada, spustiti srpski i talijanski orlovi strvinaši, da joj raznesu izmučeno tijelo. Da vam zapane koji komad toga tijela, Vi ste se s njima skupa sletili na tu umišljenu strvinu. Vama dovikuje hrvatski narod, koji se bori kano div proti svojima mrcinašima, dovikujemo mi i Hrvatska sa sv. Pismom: „jao vama psima (vodjama), koji skupa s vucima trčite i razdirete stado moje“. Jao vama mrcinaši!

Vi znate, da Srbi nemisle iskreno s nama; vi znate, da nam svojataju sve naše zemlje i niječu nam isto ime naše; vi znate, da Srbi u svojim nastavnim (školskim) knjigama to čine. Vi to niste nikada pobili, a ni kušali opovrći, jer je to opovrći nemoguće. Izmedju hiljada evo vam jedan dokaz srpskoga šovinizma. Srpski profesor B. [ovo je vjerujemo V./Vladimir, a ne B.] Karić, izdao je „Zemljopis za IV. razr. osnovnih škola“, štampom kraljevske državne srpske štamparije u Beogradu. Sada čujte samo njekoliko mjesta iz te školske srpske knjige:

Odmah na prvoj strani u sadržaju čitamo, da su srpske zemlje: Kraljevina Srbija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Stara Srbija, Makedonija, Crna Gora, Dalmacija, Istra, Hrvatska i Slavonija, Bačka i Banat“.

No kud i kamo je taj školski zemljopis zanimljiviji u pojedinim odjelima, gdje je govor o našim hrvatskim zemljama, koje prikazuje kao čiste srpske zemlje. Da se vidi, kuda je pohlepnost Srba težila, mi ćemo doslovno citirati, kako se nalazi u toj školskoj knjizi.

BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA.

Bosna i Hercegovina su dve srpske zemlje; nahode se u severozapadnom kutu balkanskog poluostrva i sa svih strana okružene su samim srpskim zemljama. Naroda ima u Bosni i Hercegovini na 1,320.000 duša, a to je sve sam Srbin, osim nešto malo cigana, Izraljaca (Jahudija) i doseljenih Nijemaca. Jezik, koji tamošnji Srbi, a naročito Hercegovci govore jest jezik, kakav čitamo u našim divnim narodnim pesmama, dakle najčistiji i naljepši južni govor srpski. Zapadni se govori u samo nekim krajevima prema granici Hrvatske. No Bosanci i Hercegovci i ako su pravi Srbi, na žalost nisu jedne vere (!). Istina, pravoslavnih imade najviše, 572.000, ali imade i muhamedanaca i katolika.

DALMACIJA.

Govoreći o Dalmaciji u toj knjizi, „koja služi mladoj srpčadi za nauku i izobrazbu“ piše se o Dalmaciji ovo:

„Naroda u Dalmaciji imade na 480.000 duša i to je sve sam Srbin. Imade 20.000 Talijana, koji žive po varošima. Velik deo Srba zovu se Hrvatima. Jedna je samo petina naroda pravoslavni, a ostalo su sve katolici… Dalmacija je kraljevina, ali kralja nema, već joj car austro-ugarski postavlja namesnika“.

Govoreći o Dubrovniku posvećuje mu najveću pažnju, pa veli: „Dubrovnik je najstarija srpska varoš, jer joj ima ne malo 1000 godina. Vodila je živu trgovinu po svim srpskim zemljama. Mnogo je slavnih naučnika i književnika srpskih (Pisci: Gundulić, Gjrodjević, Palmotić. Naučnik Bošković, itd.) rodjeno i živelo u Dubrovniku…“

ISTRA.

„U Istri imade 300,000 duša. Od toga broja dolazi 100.000 na Srbe, 43.000 na Slovence, koji su veoma srodni Srbima i 90.000 na Talijane. Bez malo svi su Istrani katolici, nešto samo preko hiljadu duša vere su pravoslavne. Značajno je to,što se u krčkoj eparhiji služba božja služi srpskim jezikom. Sve osnovne škole su talijanske, pa je stoga škola tamošnja Srbima davala vrlo malo znanja. No danas je mnogo bolje, jer imade do stotinu srpskih škola, u kojima se govori srpski jezik.

HRVATSKA I SLAVONIJA.

U Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji osem nešta Nemaca i Madžara sve su to sami Srbi, koji se u severo-zapadnoj Hrvatskoj zovu Hrvati. U Sremu narod govori čistim istočnim govorom srpskim. U ostaloj Hrvatskoj srpski je narod raznolik: Prema Štajerskoj i Kranjskoj su Kajkavci, a u Primorju Čakavci. No književni je jezik južni i istočni govor srpski. Po veri u severo-zapadnoj Hrvatskoj imade katolika, ali idući na jug i istok sve ih je manje, tako da ih u Liki nema nikako, jer su tamo sve samo pravoslavni.“ Govoreći o Fruškoj gori, veli: „Da je to sveta srpska gora, jer da u njoj imade šesnaest srpskih manastira“.

Sve to je popraćeno s ad hoc priregjenim zemljopisnim kartama, samo da se mladeži čim jače utuvi u glavu velikosrpstvo.

I tako smo u kratko iscrpili, kako se o pojedinim zemljama, čisto hrvatskim zemljama uči u srbijanskim školama. No svakako je najkarakterističniji zaglavak cijele knjige pod naslovom:

UKUPNI PREGLED SRPSKIH ZEMALJA.

Ne možemo, a da iz ovog odsjeka, koji je doista najzanimljiviji, i koji nam najjasnije odaje velikosprske težnje ne citiramo ponešto više, nego to u gornjim odsjecima.

„U svim tim zemljama, koje smo nabrojili žive srpski narod, pa smo te zemlje nazvali srpske zemlje. Severnu granicu tih srpskih zemalja čini reka Moriš do svoga ušća u Tisu, a onda ide suva severna granica Bačke, sad nastaje ići Dunavom do ušća Drave pa Dravom do izlaska u Štajersku, odavle Kranjskom do Trsta, pa preko raznih visova do izvora Kupe. Zapadna pako granica teče od Trsta do ušća Drinskog… Srpska zemlja u ovim granicama prostrana je ko Italija i velika ko kraljevina pet puta… U zemljama srpskim, koje se prostiru kraj Jadranskog mora: Istra zapadna Hrvatska, Dalmacija gorske kose idu uporedu s morskom obalom… Prostrane ravnice u srpskoj zemlji su: Podravina, Posavina i Podunavlje… Reke, koje teku srpskim zemljama staču se u tri mora: Jadransko, Belo i Crno more… Jedni od najglavnijih raskrsnica drumskih u srpskoj zemlji jesu: Zagreb, Mostar, Rijeka, Šibenik, Spljet, Dubrovnik i Kotor….

U srpskoj zemlji, u granicama, kojima smo ju ranije obuhvatili, ima naroda 8,760.000 duša, dakle četiri i pol puta toliko, koliko u kraljevini. No u srpskim zemljama ne žive sve samo Srbi, već imade u njoj i prilično velik broj i drugih naroda, a naročito Nemaca, Madžara, Vlaha, Arnauta i Talijana. (Svega samo ne Hrvata!)

Velika većina katoličkih Srba u severnoj Dalmaciji, Hrvatskoj i Istri zovu se Hrvati mesto Srbi. Ali to ne treba nikoga da buni e da pomisli, da su oni neki drugi narod, jer je njihov materinji i narodni jezik pravi srpski jezik. Tako se i muhamedanci u Bosni zovu Turci. Ali to nisu nikakvi Turci, već pravi Srbi. Da su oni pravi Srbi, a ne Turci vidi se otuda, da turski niti ne govore niti znaju, već govore pravim lepim srpskim jezikom, koji su govorili i predci njihovi, dok su još bili hrišćani…“

Dakle ne priznaju nam niti naš hrvatsko ime, već nam kažu, da se tako i Muhamedanci zovu Turcima kano i katolici Hrvatima, t. j. kako Muhamedanci nisu Turci, tako ni katolici u svim srpskim zemljama nisu Hrvati nego zgoljni Srbi. Hrvatu nema mjesta u hrvatskim zemljama. Cigani, Židovi, Talijani i Njemci obstoje i živu, ali Hrvati ne. Ex uno disce omnex. Take su manje više sve srpske školske knjige.

Možete li ovo pobiti, mrcinaši?

Mi vam možemo poslužiti sa stotinama srpskih pisaca i školskih naukovnih knjiga. Zašto nikada vi strvinaši, neopomenete te svoje prijatelje radi te nečuvene bezobraznosti, radi najgadijih i najdrzovitijih insulta? Zar Vam krv nevrije kad čitate i čujete ovo? Zašto šutite mrcinaši? Vi šutite, jer govoriti nesmijete, jer kad bi progovorili, onda ne bi imali mrcinaškog udjela na tijelu naše domovine i hrvatskog naroda — ne bi bilo nagrada.

„Srbi su se promjenili sada“, odgovarate vi. Na temelju čega to tvrdite? Recite nam, tko vam to jamči?

Sve do rata su Srbi tako pisali i govorili a sada se preko noć popravili i odrekli svog šovinizma i priznali Hrvatima pravo na njihove zemlje i na njihovo ime! Samo budala to može vjerovati. Quod gratis assertur, gratis negatur, kažu filozofi. Vi tvrdite svoje ludorije bez dokaza, a to mogu vam samo ludjaci vjerovati. Mi branimo naše stanovište sa nepobitnim dokazima i činjenicama.

Dopustimo za čas, da se ostvari Jugoslavija, pa pogledajmo, kako će ta Jugoslavija izgledati!

Mislim, da će svaka budala znati, da Jugoslavija znači zemlja na jugu, u kojoj stanuju Slaveni. Medju tim Slavenima nalaze se: Bugari, Hrvati, Srbi i Slovenci. Svjesni Bugari niti nemisle o jugoslavenskoj jedinstvenoj državi, ona je za njih najveće ludilo na svijetu. Vaša ćeJugoslavija obuhvaćati Srbe, Hrvate i Slovence. Dakle tri imena. Kojim će se od tih tri imena zvati narod, koji će sačinjavati Jugoslaviju? Hoće li Srbi žrtvovati svoje ime za volju Hrvata i Slovenaca? To Vam mogu samo budale vjerovati. „U Jugoslaviji biti će sva tri imena zadržana“, tvrdite vi. Ali kako će se zvati jezik tog jedinstvenoga troimenoga naroda, kako ga vi zovete? Hoće li to biti jugoslavenski jezik? Nonsense! Kraj svih ludorija koje ste rekli i napisali, ipak nećete uztvrditi, da će se zvati jugoslavenski jezik. Kako će se dakle zvati taj jezik pred cijelim svijetom? Da bude svima pravo, morao bi se zvati: srpsko-hrvatsko-slovenski jezik.

Pitajte, gospodo, sve iskrene Srbe, neka Vam oni odgovore na to pitanje.

Niti će Srbin, niti svijestan Hrvat, niti Slovenac odreći se svog jezika ili točnije svog imena i naziva svog jezika.

Recimo, da je ovo filologiziranje nuzgredna stvar, pa podjimo dalje promatarati Jugoslaviju sa političkoga gledišta.

Kako će izgledati Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji? Odmah u početku mi priznajemo, da smo genetički isti narod sa Srbima i Slovencima, ali politički niti smo bili niti hoćemo da budemo sa Srbima jedan te isti narod, zato smo uztvrdili u „Našoj Izjavi“: „Mi ne idemo ni u Srbe, ni u Jugoslavne, ni u Srbo-Hrvate, nego ostajemo Hrvati, braća ostalim Slavenima, ali svaki u svojoj kući, i na svojoj zemlji i u opsegu svojih prava, jer smo se tako razvijali i povijest svoju stvarali od početka naseljenja pradjedova naših u sadanju domovinu našu.“

Ostvarenje Jugoslavije može se samo zamisliti u slučaju pobjede Aliraca (četvornoga sporazuma), a onda kako će izgledati Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji?

Srbija dobiva: Bosnu, Hercegovinu, Dalmaciju (u koliko neće pripasti Talijanima) i Srijem. Italija dobiva: Istru i sve hrvatske otoke i preostali dio gornje Dalmacije (u koliko neće pripasti Srbima), ona dobiva i neograničeno gospodari hrvatskim morem, tom žilom kucavicom našega života i naše budućnosti. To znači od 110.000 četvornih kilometara, dobre tri četvrtine izgubiti će Hrvatska, na koju će se sletiti kao na strvinu braća Srbi i njihovi saveznici Talijani. Tako ogoljena i oglodana Hrvatska imati će čast, da bude pokrajina u Jugoslaviji, pod dinastijom Karagjorgjevića. Hoće li se ta reliquia reliquiarum (ostatak ostataka) smijeti zvati Hrvatskom? Sudeći po onomu, što su dosada o nama jednodušno i službeno učili Srbi, moramo i o tome podpuno zdvojiti, jer kako znamo, oni priznaju i Cincare u jugoslavenskim (t. j. srpskim) zemljama, ali Hrvate ne.

Djeca i budale mogu vjerovati laskanjima njekih Srba. To je samo zamka, da od hrvatskog naroda izmame političke izjave, kojima se odriču svoje samostalne eksistencije, svojih historičkih i narodnostnih prava i bacaju se u zagrljaj Srbima. Udica se zove Jugoslavija, u kojoj će tobože biti jedinstveni troimeni narod ravnopravan. Ta Jugoslavija nije ništa drugo, nego Velika Srbija. Kaže talijanska poslovica: „che ti accarezza piu di quell’ che suole, o ti ha ingannato or (???) ingannar ti vuole“. Tko ti se laska više nego obično ili te je prevario, ili te hoće prevariti. — Ta se poslovica ovdje ispunjuje.

Srbi nemaju nikakva prava na Bosnu. Sami su priznali, da nemaju historičkog prava na Bosnu i Hercegovinu, ali se pozivaju na narodnostni princip. Nu ni načelo narodnosti neda im toga prava. Po službenoj statistici, koja je sigurno više bila njima u prilog (hvala kratkovidnoj i protuhrvatskoj politici kojekakvih magjarskih Kalaja i Burina), nego Hrvatima, oni su sačinjavali 43 po sto pučanstva; dok Hrvati katoličke i muhamedanske vjere sačinjavaju 50 po sto pučanstva, a ostalo su druge narodnosti, izmedju kojih je najviše španjolskih jevreja (oko 4 po sto cijelokupnog pučanstva). Srbi svojataju sebi Muhamedance onako isto bezobrazno, kako nama Hrvatima niječu i isto naše ime i u samoj užoj Hrvatskoj; — nu, bosanski Muhamedanci nisu nikada bili niti će biti Srbi, oni se sada do jednoga priznaju Hrvatima. Isto tako i bosanski jevreji drže se samo s Hrvatima. Dakle ni po narodnosti oni nemaju pravo na Bosnu i Hercegovinu, ma koliko to trubili i lagali pred cijelim svijetom. A što istom, da rečemo o njihovom prisvajanju Dalmacije i Srijema? To je drzovitost, kojoj nema primjera na svijetu. Nu, kada su po njihovom učenju sve hrvatske zemlje srpske, u kojima ima Cigana, ali ne Hrvata, onda su dosljedni sami sebi i u toj tražbi. Zar Vas nije sram, mrcinaši, zar vi niste izdajice svojega naroda i svoje domovine?

Svi mrcinaši nisu u stanju nam dokazati, da će naša hrvatska domovina bolje izgledati u Jugoslaviji, koju bi stvorila pobjeda Aliiraca.

Da bi braća Srbi srbili po Bosni i drugim hrvatskim zemljama, koje jim naši strvinaši daju, onako, kako su srbili po Bugarskoj Macedoniji — nožem i olovom, o tome nitko nesumnja, tko ih pozna. Što bi bilo od hrvatskog naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini, koji se ne bi htjeo odreći svoga hrvatskoga imena? Vi svi dobro poznajete Srbe, pa nevjerujem da je kod vas bona fides ili tolika naivnost, da sami vjerujete u ono, što učite. Vjerujem da ona njekolicina naroda hrvatskoga, kojeg ste zaveli ovdje u Americi, nije kriva, nego prevarena. Vi Mrcinaši korifeji i prodanici, kada bi ste znali, da Austrija i u njoj naša Domovina nisu strvine, vi bi bili ljuti magjaroni i prodavali Magjarima meso svoje vlastite majke Hrvatske, kako ga sada prodajete Srbima i Talijanima. Kad ste već tako daleko zašli i zaletili se, nema vam povratka, pa zato varate naš biedni radnički narod, jer bi drukčije poskapali od gladi te od mrcinaša postali mrcine.

Srbskih dinara je nestalo već davno, dok druge Ententine vlasti mare za vas i za vaš londonski odbor toliko, koliko za gladne pse na londonskim ulicama, zato vam je jedini spas u zavedenom hrvatskom radniku, nu i to vrelo se brzo suši. Novac „Hrv. Saveza“ ste samovoljno požderali. Grane su se osušile. A šta onda? Idemo da vidimo što ćete sada izmisliti, čim ćete dalje varati hrvatski narod? Kako malo imade naroda u vas povjerenje najjasnije pokazuju kolekte za voj. udove i siročad. Kraj svega toga, da je N.H. Z [Narodna Hrvatska Zajednica, kasnije Hrvatska Bratska Zajednica] uzela u ruke to sabiranje, neide to nikako. A šta je tomu razlog? „Gospodine“, rekoše mi već mnogi, „mi se bojimo, da će taj novac poći onamo, kamo je pošao i novac „Hrv. Saveza“. Ja se bojim, da će gladni mrcinaši iz Londona svakako gledati, da se dočepaju te narodne muke, koju su delegati na zadnjoj konvenciji odredili „za hrvatske udove i siročad“.

Svaki dan čitam u novinama kako Hrvati šalju lijepe svote novaca za naše hrvatske stradalnike, ali ne u fond, koji je pod vlašću mrcinaških pristaša.

Pošto smo podpuno uvjereni, da će Hrvatska izgledati u vašoj Jugoslaviji onako, kako smo gore opisali, t. j. da će biti naše političko samoubojstvo, morali smo u „Našoj Izjavi“ najodlučnije odsuditi tu zamku postavljenu hrvatskom narodu. Mi vam se zahvaljujemo na srpskim i talijanskim osloboditeljima uz tu cijenu. Mi hoćemo „Hrvatsku Hrvatima!“ Mi tražimo onaku Hrvatsku, kakvu traži program stranke prava od g. 1894., koji su program usvojili i braća Slovenci; mi tražimo ujedinjenje svih hrvatskih zemalja u okviru Austro-Ugarske Monarkije; mi tražimo financijalno oslobodjenje od Ugarske; mi tražimo da budemo regnum aequale (jednako slobodna država) u Monarkiji, kano i Magjarska.

„Regnum Regno non praescribit leges“, doviknuli su naši stari Magjarima, to jim i mi dovikujemo. Za to ćemo se boriti i ne sumnjamo, da će svijesni hrvatski narod to svojim vlastitom snagom postići. Naša su prava i pravice okrnjene i gažene, pa smo i zato u „Našoj Izjavi“ digli muževno i neustrašivo naš glas. Mi nismo takovi optimiste, da se nadamo, da će nam rat u slučaju pobjede centralnih vlasti ostvariti podpuno program stranke prava; mi znamo, da hrvatski narod čeka još golema i žilava borba; ali čvrsto se uzdamo, da će naš žilavi narod postići svoja prava, to čvrsto naše uhvanje se osniva na opornoj sili hrvatskog naroda, koju nisu mogli slomiti mnogi jači neprijatelji kroz 9 stoljeća.

Neka se bratski srpski narod mane megalomanskoga šovinizma i sizanja za našim zemljama, neka prestane jednom za uvijek nijekati naše ime, neka ostaje u svojim granicama, pak ćemo se tek onda sporazumiti. Nije li ta šovinistička megalomanija Srba pozvala Rumunje i Grke da satru junački slovenski bugarski narod i to na najperfidniji način?

Taj težki grijeh izdajstva na bratskom narodu otudjio je težko i nepomirljivo zavadio ta dva naroda. Taj se neoprostivi grijeh već užasno osvećuje srpskom narodu. Kako da onda vjerujemo u njihovu iskrenost?

Slično je Rusija postupila sa Poljacima, pa će se i njoj osvetiti taj grije. Ako danas ima Slavena, koji se bore proti slavenske braće i traže zaštite u tudjina proti toj braći, kriv je tome narodni šovinizam i vjerski fanatizam. Rusija je otudjila sebi poljski narod, a Srbija si pravi neprijatelje od jednakokrvne hrvatske braće istim grijehom. Naši jugoslavenski leaderi htjeli bi nas uvjeriti, al dakako samo praznim riječima, da su se Srbi preko noći promijenuli. Takovo psiholožko čudo se ne dogadja preko noći.

Kako su Slaveni na Sjeveru: Rusi, Poljaci i Česi posebice razvijali i stvarali si svoju povjest, tako su se južni Slaveni: Bugari, Srbi i Hrvati posebice razvijali i stvarali svoju povjest. Taj proces vidimo i kod Germana, t. j. današnjih Njemaca i Škandinavaca, kod Romana i drugih. Njemci su se (u današnjoj Njemačkoj) ujedinili u savezne države, svaka pod svojom dinastijom, jer su i prije politički ujedinjeni bili. Hrvati i Srbi nisu nikada politički ujedinjeni bili, a k tomu su jih uvijek dijelile vjeroispovjesti i politički protivni uplivi Zapada i Istoka.

Sve te okolnosti, a ponajpače drzoviti srpski šovinizam čine Jugoslaviju skroz i skroz nemogućnom i apsurdnom. Srbi su, dosljedno svojemu šovinizmu i nijekanju Hrvatstva, na sve moguće načine i svagdje radili proti Hrvatstvu. U Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini kano i u Dalmaciji bili su uvjek glavno orudje proti svakom hrvatskom pokretu u rukama protuhrvatskih vlada.

To znademo svi. Tko nezna za bratstvo jedne moćne magjarske stranke i Srba u kraljevini, koje je išlo za tim, da Srbi pomoćju Magjara dobiju Bosnu, Hercegovinu i Dalmaciju, a Magjari pomoćju Srba neograničeno zagospodare ostalim hrvatskim zemljama?

Dakle nema vraga ni sotone, s kojim se Srbijanci ne rote proti Hrvatima?

Pok. Ante Starčević je tu braću izvrsno poznavao, pa si je uzeo bio za životnu zadaću borbu proti Slavosrpstvu, on je neobičnom bistrinom svoga uma uvidio, da su naši Jugoslaveni Slavosrbi, da to Slavosrpstvo vodi do podpunoga političkoga samoubojstva hrvatskoga naroda. Sva ta njegova gigantična borba proti slavosrpstva, a za političku samostalnost Hrvata, izrazuje se u onoj njegovoj: „Hrvatska Hrvatima.“

Naši mrcinaši t. j. jugoslovenski apoštoli, računajući na glupost svojih čitatelja, htjeli bi sada dokazati čak i to, da je Starčević bio za Jugoslaviju. To oni hoće da dokažu iz njegove borbe proti nepravdama, koje je počinjala austro-ugarska monarhija proti Hrvatima; oni trgaju pojedine, obično nesuvisle, rečenice iz njegovih spisa i govora, da sipaju lug u oči hrvatskomu narodu, da „obsjene prostotu“, rekao bi Veliki pokojnik.

Više nego Austriju mrzio je on Slavosrbe. Da je sada pokojnik na životu, pa da čuje tu nečuvenu drzovitost današnjih Slavosrba, šta mislite da bi rekao? Rekao bi bez sumnje: „to je slavosrbski“, jer je njemu Slavosrbstvo bilo inkarnacija drzovitosti i bezobraznosti.

Zar zbilja se nestidite, vi strvinaši domovine tvrditi, da je Starčević bio za vašu Jugoslaviju. To je isto tako drzovito i bezobrazno, kao i to, što Srbi tvrde i u školama svojim uče, da u hrvatskim zemljama živu i Cigani, ali ne Hrvati.

Strossmajer je slijedio srce svoje, te je radio za zbliženje Jugoslavena, nu Starčević je politički uvidjavniji uvidio, da to vodi političkom samoubojstvu njegove domovine i njegova naroda, vidio je i znao, da su Srbi najveći neprijatelji Hrvatske.

Strossmajer je u zadnjim godinama svog života priznao svoju političku pogrešku i odobrio Starčevićevu nauku. Strossmajer nije nikada niti za jedan čas bio za političku Jugoslaviju, u kojoj bi njegova Hrvatska bila onako okljaštrena, kako bi bila u ovom slučaju (u slučaju pobjede Entente) gdje bi ju „braća“ Srbi i njihov talijanski saveznik razkasapili i do kosti oglodali uz pomoć i sudjelovanje naših jugoslavenskih strvinara. Strossmajerove se kosti vrte u grobu i protestiraju proti insinuacije naših mrcinaša, da je on htio, da Hrvatska bude pokrajina Karagjorgjevića. Dokažite, vi varalice hrvatskog naroda, kada i gdje je Strossmajer zagovarao tu jedinstvenu jugoslavensku državu, u kojoj će Hrvatska biti provincija? Dokažite, da je Strossmajer u opće zagovarao političko jedinstvo Srba i Hrvata. On je radio lih na kulturnom podizanju svij Jugoslavena (Bugara, Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca) i na njihovom kulturnom jedinstvu. Pak što je doživio od Srba god. 1885.? Po vašoj neizmjernoj gluposti i smješnosti tvrdite, da je to bila austrofilska Srbija onda. A što bi tek učinila Karagjorgjevićeva Srbija?

Nikada se niste usudili da predbacite Srbima te griehe, niti nesmijete toga učiniti, jer bi otvorili oči hrvatskomu narodu, a zamjerili se onima, od kojih očekujete vašu strvinarsku plaću.

Srbska beogradska propaganda je tako daleko zavela pravoslavne živalj u hrvatskim zemljama, da je ovaj svaki čas bio spreman na masacre svega, što se zove hrvatsko. Život medju pravoslvnim i Hrvatima katoličke i muhamedanske vjere u Bosni i Hercegovini postao je — hvala beogradskoj propagandi —upravo nesnosan. Prije tri godine su me uvjeravali ljudi u Bosni ob onomu, što nisam mogao absolutno vjerovati odavle iz tudjine, da je naime beogradska propaganda pripravljala u Bosni pravoslavne na pokolj Hrvata Muhamedanaca i katolika. Jednom riječju: toj propagandi [je] uspjelo, da je od ogromne većine naših pravoslavnih stvorila same veleizdajnike.

Koliko ima danas pravoslavnih u hrvatskim zemljama, koji nisu pripravni svaki čas izdati Srbiji svoju hrvatsku domovinu?

Prije pet godina u Bihaću u Bosni dogodio se ovaj slučaj: u gostioni sjedilo i veselilo se jedno hrvatsko družtvo sastojeći se od muhamedanaca i katolika, pjevali su „Živila Hrvatska i njezina prava“, za drugim stolom sjedila dva viša sudska činovnika pravoslavne vjere (Srbi), pa jim odpjevaše ovako: „Živila Hrvatska i njezina prava, zabila joj Srbija k….i dva j…“. (Neka mi oproste čitatelji, ovo nije moja prostota, nego njihova, t.j. one srpske gospode, a dogadjaj je tako eklatantan dokaz srpske snosljivosti, da ga nemogu prešutiti). Jedan odlični mladi beg trgne revolver, da ga saspe u zube gadnom stvoru, ali ga spriječiše drugi članovi hrvatskog družtva.

Trebalo bi, da naši Slavosrpski Jugoslaveni proglase ovako (po srpski) travestiranu „Živila Hrvatska“, za jugoslavensku davoriju, inače neće ugoditi Srbima. Tako su se Srbi u kraljevini Srbiji kroz generacije i generacije službeno (u svojim školama) odgajali a taj odgoj prenijela je srbijanska propaganda medju pravoslavne u hrvatskim zemljama. Tako si je Srbija stvorila od bugarskog i hrvatskog naroda najveće neprijatelje, radeći jim o glavama, a naša poslovinca kaže: „pri glavi i oca po glavi“.

Tako sada Hrvati uvidjaju više nego ikada dosada, da spas svoje individualne političke eksistencije traže u okviru Austro-Ugarske Monarkije. Eto, to je razlog „Našoj Izjavi“.

Mi ne laskamo Austro-Ugarskoj, nego odsudjujemo onako isto, kano i pok. Ante Starčević, sva bezzakonja počinjena na hrvatskom narodu i tražimo, da se poprave. Vjerujemo u snagu hrvatskog naroda, kojom će on to postići; vjerujemo, da će Pravda Božja uništiti tu državu, ako bude i nadalje počinjala slične grijehe na svojem najvjernijemu narodu. Uvjereni smo, da bi Hrvati dandanas kamokud bolje stajali, da nije bilo naših Srba, koji su kroz zadnjih 50 do 60 godina bili glavno orudje svih vlada proti svakom hrvatskom pokretu.

Hrvati bi, radi silnih nepravda što ih je počinila Austro-Ugarska proti njima, služeći se najviše Srbima i Talijanima, mogli sada zlorado se smijati, gledajući kako joj se osvećuju njezini grijesi počinjeni na hrvatskom narodu, kad se ne bi i o njihovoj koži radilo.

Don Niko Gršković u svojoj najslavorspskijoj novini „Hrvatski Svijet“ osvrnuo se na „Našu Izjavu“ u više brojeva, izasuo na nas sve psovke i prostote, koje je on već nebrojno puta do ogavnosti opetovao. To je cvijeće, koje raste samo u slavosrpskoj bašći. Što tko ima, to i dijeli.

Zaista, još nijedan hrvatski novinar, pa ni onaj u Americi, nije tako nisko pao kao on. Svaki članak vrvi epitetima: vol, hrt, svinja, tegleća marva, pas, vižle itd. Pratio sam pisanje i drugih novina, ali palmu gnjusobe i prostote odnio je Rev. Gršković. Njegova je zasluga, on je prvi uveo ovako divljaštvo; dok su drugi naši novinari (bar oni neslavosrpski) uzdržali se takvih izraza. Još ntko nije nazvao njega, ni psom, ni volom, ni hrtom, ni krmkom. „Štil je sam čovjek“, t. j. štil odaje čovjeka, rekli su pametni ljudi.

Bilo bi divno, kad se kome ne bi gadilo, da to cvijće Don Grškovića prevede na engleski i podkući amerikanskoj publici. On je sada pravi i podpuni Slavosrb. Njegovu slavosrpsku dušu i kulturu odaju i oni izpadi proti njegovoj braći svećenicima, koji mu nisu nikad ništa na žao učinili, osim toga, što neće da budu Slavosrbi i izdajice svog naroda.

On se prijeti u svojoj novini, kako će bosanske fratre, kojima on nije dostojan opanke skinuti, zaćerati u sakrištiju, da će s njima u njegovom novom kraljevstvu obračunati zdravo srpski, a to sve radi toga, što se bosanski franjevci brane, da ne dodju pod bratski srpski nož kano i Bugari u Macedoniji i albanežki katolici n. pr. P. Alojzije Palić. Bosanski su franjevci osvjestili i podigli Hrvatstvo u Bosni, a to je baš najveći zločin u očima Srba, a dosljedno i naših mrcinaša njihovih pristaša. Hinc illae lacrimae! Zato škripe zubima na njih.

Don Niko Gršković javno zove braću svoju katoličke svećenike hodžama i raznim drugim pogrdnim imenima. Rev. Relić, njegov trabant u Chicagu, zove nas hrvatske svećenike, kako sam čuo od ljudi iz njegove okolice, vatikanskom bandom. To je veoma značajno!

Dakle sve čisto slavosrpski. O. Medin travestira jednu propovjed za Veliki petak, makar da je sada pokladno vrijeme. Toj propovijedi samo fali zaključak, što bi imao glasiti ovako: s njime t. j. s Petrom (koji personificira Jugoslaviju) razapeše dva razbojnika s desna jednog hrvatskog Slavosrba (kojeg personificira on — Medin), a s ljeve jednog Talijana. Ta dva razbojnika počmu se medju sobom svadjati, jer se lijevi razbojnik počeo rugati Petru, radi čega ukori ga desni razbojnik, rakavši mu: „Ti talijanska canaglia (psina), zar se niti ne bojiš Boga (kano ni „izjavaši“). „Šuti“, odgovori Talijan, „ti si veći lopov od mene, ja sam htio otimati tudje, dok si ti, carogna croata, radio proti životu svoje vlastite majke“.

Bezobrazni Slavosrb postidjen obrati se k Petru i reče: Gospodaru, sjeti se mene kad unidješ u jugoslavensko carstvo svoje.

I odgovori mu Petar: zaista, zaista kažem vam obojici još danas ćemo k vragu svetrojica i jugoslavensko carstvo moje. Amen.

S Don Grškovićem natječe se u Slavosrpštini dr. Biankini iz Chicaga. I to je jedna velika zagonetka, koju možete riješiti samo onda, ako se stavite na načelo mrcinaške politike: „Austrju, a bogme i Hrvatsku odnese vrag, drži se stranke, koja te može bolje nagraditi.“ Dr. Biankini je po zanatu strastveni denuncijant i ulizica kod vlastih. U arhivima mnogih hrvatskih biskupija vidio sam bezdušne klevete na ovdašnje hrvatske svećenike. U Z. me pitaše, što mislim o njegovoj roboti. Rekao sam od prilike, da je B. profesionalni doušnik i klevetnik kod oblastih, dočim sam uputio preč. gospodu, da se — ako se baš zanimaju za nas — obrate na naše biskupe, koji su jedino kompetentni naši suci.

Čuo sam već davno, da je on i kod političkih oblasti bavio se istim zanatom. Koliko je na tomu istine, neznam, ali ovo što rekoh o njegovim denuncijacima kod duhovnih oblasti, opravdava sumnju, da je to činio i kod političkih austro-ugarskih oblasti. Ele, pravi Slavosrb!

Dok ovo pišem, dodje mi „Hrv. Svijet“ u ruke sa „svijetlom“ našeg o. Pere Čančarevića. U svijetlu toga „svijetla“ vidi cijeli svijet, da je naš dobročina Pero „pogriješio“ i samo zato podpisao „Našu Izjavu“, jer je mislio „da neće nikada izići na javnost“. Zar ovo nije dosta, da se vidi njegova slavosrpština!

Čestitamo vam, Slavosrbi, na tako iskrenom prijatleju! Doista divno „svijetlo“ i ogledalo Čančarevića! Sve drugo, Pero, što si napisao jesu bezobrazne laži i Tvoje poznate cifrarije, kojima si htio sakriti pravo „svijetlo“, da Te nitko neupozna, ali baš to „svijetlo“ osvjetlilo [je] Tvoj značaj kako treba. S čovjekom takoga značaja nije se moguće prepirati. Što si uztvrdio danas, poreći ćeš sutra. Da li je ozbiljno promišljena „Naša Izjava“, o čemu Ti sumnjaš, naći ćeš odgovor u člancima „K Našoj Izjavi“. Kod podpisa, „Izjave“ zaista smo se smijali , a to je išlo, Pero, upravo Tebe, jer smo znali, da si kuhan i pečen u slavosrpskoj kuhinji, pa ipak podpisuješ onakovu „Izjavu“. Tko se ne bi tu smijao?

Perino „svijetlo“ prosvijetlilo čak i don N. Grškovića, te u svjetlosti toga svijetla i pod utiskom Medinijeve propovijedi piše i on sličnu propovijed. Velč. Gospodo, to je sve čisto slavosrpski. Nitko se od nas ne veseli propasti Srbije, ali će nam biti milo i drago, ako vama Slavosrbima neuspije, da skupa sa svojim talijanskim ortakom ne razkomadate našu dragu hrvatsku domovinu. Vi ste vidili iz „Naše Izjave“, da mi želimo, da se svaki slovenski narod razvija u svojim granicama, dakle i Srbi. Mi tražimo za Hrvate, što jih ide po narvnom i Božjem zakonu. Zato za te vaše krokodilske suze i parashevalne propovjedi ja neznam drugog izraza nego onaj Starčevića: „slavosrpština“.

(Da čitatelji podpuno shvate moć ovoga Starčevića omiljenog izraza, moram jim reći, da je on Slavosrbima krstio one, koji su išli za uništenjem hravtske individualne političke eksistencije u korist Srbima, koje je on držao za najveće zločince svog naroda. Imenicu „slavosrpština“ il prislov „slavosrpski“ rabio je, da označi tu gamad ili — kako to on veli „pasminu“ i njezino djelovanje. On nije mogao u nijednom jeziku naći dosti jakoga izraza, pa ga sam iznašao. On doista prenosi taj izraz i na druge, kad hoće da jih što jedrije ošine. Čitam u novinama naših Slavosrba, da S. nije ni mislio na Slavosrbe, kad jih ovako zove, a ne vide, jad ih ne vidio, da je tu sliku Starčević od njiha uzeo, iz njihove duše izvadio i tom se slikom služio, da i druge njima slične prozove „Slavosrbima“ i njihova djela i značaj „slavosrpštinom“. A kako bi jih blagopok. Starčević tek onda zvao i okrstio, kad bi bio znao, da će mu ta gamad i istom Talijanu domovinu prodavati?)

Tendenciju i svrhu „Naše Izjave“ ste dobro pogodili i još bolje osvjetlili, kako se vidi iz vaših bjesomučnih napadaja, ma da joj po slavosrpsku izvrćete smisao. I mi smo zadovoljni sa njezinim uspjehom.

Da, „Naša Izjava“ je ustuk vašim izjavama, u kojima ste prodavali Hravtsku Srbima i Talijanima. Vi ste se odrekli samostalnosti svoje domovine, prava na samostalnu eksistenciju i prelazite u vašu ludu „Jugoslaviju“ u kojoj će Hrvatska izgledati onako, kako smo vam rekli u „Izjavi“ i u ovim člancima. Entente vaša spasiteljica pozvala i Talijane na račun naših hrvatskih zemalja, a vi to, hoćeš, nećeš odobravate i morate joj ljubiti ruke.

Bude li nama Hrvatima Ententa krojila sudbinu, onda će biti upravo onako, kako ju naša „Izjava“ riše. Reći će nam „pravdu“ forum njezin: „evo vaših rezolucija, u kojim se odričete svojih historičnih, juridičnih i suverenih prava i tražite da budete pokrajina u kraljevstvu Karagjorgjevića, pa neka vam tako bude; nu pošto je naš talijanski saveznik pomagao nama, to mu dajemo slovenske zemlje, njegova će biti Istra, svi vaši (hravtski) otoci, komad Dalmacije i njegovo će naravno biti vaše more; od vaših zemalja dajemo Srbima: Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Dalmaciju (u koliko ne dadosmo Talijanu) i Srijem. Ono što preostaje od vaše Hrvatske neka bude pokrajina Velike Srbije pod dinastijom Karagjorgjević, a vi ćete biti sretni, što ćete se smjeti zvati Jugoslavenima“.

To je neumoljiva logika, gospodo mrcinaši, koju vi sa svima vašim prostotama pobiti nemožete, a vi ćete se onda ceriti nad razkomadanim udima vaše vlastite majke i krv njezina će pasti na vaše glave.

Mi smo izdali „Našu Izjavu“, da prosvjedujemo pred cijelim svijetom, proti vašoj sotonskoj nakani. To smo bili dužni Bogu, hrvatskom narodu i svojoj savjesti. Mi se u „Izjavi“ pozivljemo na sva naša prava historična i narodnosna; dočim si vi svega toga odrčete. Vi ste pravi matricidae —majko-ubojice. Vi ćete i opet graknuti, kako će u Jugoslaviji biti spas i sloboda za sve jednaka; al ste sami uvjereni, da će Jugoslavija za Hrvate izgledati onako, kako smo vam ovdje rekli, jer vi dobro poznate što hoće Srbi i Talijani — ti vaši ortaci — od naše domovine.

„Naša Izjava“ nije nikakvi novi politički program; ona je program stranke prava poprimljen od svih Hrvata, u svima hrvatskim pokrajinama i od braće Slovenaca. To je program, kojeg paklenski mrze Srbi i Slavosrbi u našoj dragoj i nesretnoj Hrvatskj, te su osobito s pomoću Magjara nastojali, da ga svim mogućim sredstvima osujete. A zašto? Jedino zato, jer se kosi sa srbskom zavjetnom misli, a ta srbska zavjetna misao izključuje i isto hrvatsko ime, a pogotovo samostalnost Hrvatske.

Neće biti na odmet ako ovdje spomenem nješto o jednom slavosrpskom svešteničkom sastanku u Chicagu. Na tomu sastanku ustao jedan mladi hrvatski svećenik, pa će reći od prilike ovako: gospodo, ja nemogu shvatiti zašto vi negovorite o savezu izmedju Hrvatske i Srbije radje, nego li o ujedinjenju u jednu jedinstvenu državu Karagjorgjevića? Pa šta mislite, šta odgovoriše Srbi i Slavosrbi — naši mrcinaši? Pogledaše se izpod oka i prezirno predjoše preko toga na dnevni red, a u svojim izvještajima ni jednim slovcem ne spomenuše toga.

Nije li to prava perfidija slavosrpska, zar može itko pametan predmnijevati, da je kod njih bona fides? Neće Srbi da čuju o savezu slobodne, samostalne i cjelokupne Hrvatske sa Srbijom, jer bi to značilo raditi proti njihovoj zavetnnoj misli, koja nepoznaje ni Hrvatske ni Hrvata.

Naši Slavosrbi formalno pobjesniše na „Našu Izjavu“, a mi u tom neizmjerno uživamo. Sada zovu u pomoć državnu vlast, da nas proćera „za Dumbom“, jer da smo pogazili gradjansku prisegu ovim državama i slično.

Sjajno, slavosrbski. „Eh, da je srpski nož, da jim sudi“, misle si i uzdišu naši mrcinaši. Don Niko već prijeti, kako će nas „iztrijebiti“ poput Bugara u „srbskoj“ Macedoniji, ljutim nožem i hladnim olovom, dakako.

Gospodo Slavosrbi, kolikogod ste zlobni, toliko ste i glupi. Na „Našoj Izjavi“ ima podpisanih i njekoliko amerikanskih gradjana. Zar ima zakona na svijetu, koji će jim zabraniti da budu „vjerni Bogu, narodu i domovini svojoj“? Zar obstoji zakon, koji će negradjanima zabraniti, da izjave i podaničku vjernost: „onomu, na kojeg je narod prenesao svoja suverena prava“? Na temelju čega vi sudite, da su pogazili njeki od nas (gradjani S. D.) podaničku vjernost? Kad bi mi svi bili gradjani Sjed. Država, ni onda nas ne bi mogao nitko bijediti zbog nelojalnosti. Ta „vjernost“ znači ono isto, što vjernost Iraca prama Irskoj, Njemaca (gradjana S. D.) prama njihovoj domovini i amerikanskih Engleza prama Englezkoj i njezinoj vladi.

Durgo je ta vjernost, a durgo podanička lojalnost. Dodje li kad do toga, da pokažemo našoj novoj domovini gradjansku lojalnost, pa makar se radilo i o Austriji i hrvatskom vladaru, onda mi nećemo oklijevati, da pokažemo svoju lojalnost sigurno bolje i časnije nego vi slavosrpska „pasmina“.

Da umanjite važnost „Naše Izjave“ svi se požuriste, da unisono istaknete, kako smo ju poslali u „Narodni List“, premda ste znali, da smo „Našu Izjavu“ otisnuli posebice i poslali i vašim listovima kano i „Narodnom Listu“, a njeki ste ju i pretiskali. S tim ste samo pokazali, da vaša slavosrpština, uz sva druga gadna svojstva, zadržaje i — glupost.

U ostalom „Narodni List“ je zauzeo skroz naše političko stanovište, pa nema na svijetu razloga, zašto se ne bi smjeli poslužiti njime. K tomu je „Narodni List“ upravo radi svoga političkoga pravca najobljubljeniji i najrašireniji hrvatski list u Americi i mi smo mu zahvalni, što nam otvara svoje stupce.

Hrvatska Hrvatima!“

K.

(Kajić?)

Memorandum of the Croatian National Council of North America (1933)

MEMORANDUM

The Croat clings stubbornly to

freedom which has been transmitted to him

by his ancestors for so many centuries.

CROATIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL

Youngstown, Ohio, United States of America

“These are the ends for which the associated peoples of the world are fighting ….:

…. 2. The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of sovereignty, of economic arrangement, or of political relationship, upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the people immediately concerned, and not upon the basis of the material interest or advantage of any other nation or people which may desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery.”

PRESIDENT WILSON,

Address at Mount Vernon,

July 4, 1918.

“It is an old and indestructible demand of the Croatian People, that it should live in its own, sovereign, and independent state.”

D. HRVOJ,

Croatian Representative,

November 23, 1918.

Memorandum

Whenever a nation, or a state, becomes so “divided against itself” that the dissatisfaction, felt by one or more elements composing it, with their position in that state, and the intensity of their desire to break away from it, greatly out-weigh, on their part, all considerations favorable to its preservation and the retention of the status quo, even if this status be slightly modified, such a state—the lesson of history is unmistakable—cannot endure.  Such a state, moreover, is a standing danger to the peace of the neighboring nations, who are drawn into the conflict either by the very discord in, and the instability of, the country of incidence, or by the vortex formed by its ultimate sinking and vanishing from the surface.
The kingdom of Yugoslavia—formerly the kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes—is a state, in which the discord between the component parts and the dissatisfaction of some of those parts with the ruling section have reached such heights and such intensity of feeling, that, if nothing is done to ease the strain, an open outbreak of hostilities is extremely probable, nay, inevitable.
What effect that happening would have on the peace in Southern Europe should not be a mystery to anyone familiar with the general situation in that part of the world.
At the present time, the only power, which keeps the discordant elements in Yugoslavia together, is the brutal force possessed and con– trolled by the ruling section, while the centrifugal forces consist of the desires and tendencies of most of the other sections to free themselves from the persecution and exploitation by the rulers.
The first and foremost of these sections—one that contains more than one-third of the total population of Yugoslavia—are the Croats, whose desire for freedom and independence is by no means unreasonable or whimsical, but is well founded on facts, and on the unfortunate experience they went through during the fifteen years of being a part of Yugoslavia.
The most important of these facts and experiences—the principal reasons for the Croatian demands and position—are as follows:

Croatian National Rights and Traditions.

I. The Croatian People represents a distinct, full-grown and highly civilized nation, with a fully developed national consciousness, based on twelve centuries of separate statehood and of continuous historic development, political, cultural and economic.

Fully organized State since Eighth Century

The main body of the Croatian people—seven of its strongest and largest tribes—came to present-day Croatia in the second quarter of the seventh century at the invitation of Emperor Heraclius, as the emperor’s allies in his fight against the Avars. In a bitterly fought war they succeeded in routing the Avars completely, and in conquering all the territories between the Danube and the Adriatic Sea, which they kept then for themselves, as their permanent habitation. Assimilating and absorbing all of the smaller Slavic tribes which had preceded them into this land, they were in a very short time able to organize their national state, which became as early as the middle of the eighth century an important factor in South-Eastern Europe. In the year 925, Croatia became a kingdom, which remained for two centuries the most powerful—with the exception of the Eastern Empire—and the best organized state in the Balkans and Central Europe.

In Personal union with Hungary

In 1102, the majority of the Croatian nobles elected as the king of Croatia the Hungarian ruler Koloman.  Thereby Croatia entered into a personal union with the kingdom of Hungary, preserving in that union not only the continuity of its separate statehood, but also the full sovereignty of the Croatian nation. This point is well established and is best illustrated by the fact that in 1527 the Croatian Diet elected as the king of Croatia Ferdinand I of Austria, quite independently and long in advance of the Hungarians.

Member State of Hapsburg Empire

By this election of Ferdinand all of Croatia—except Bosnia and Hercegovina then under Turkish rule—came into that combination of states, from which there developed in time the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the Hapsburg Empire.
Although even then, while a part of this empire, Croats were successful in preserving the internal autonomy of their country and the political individuality of their nation, the powers of Vienna and Budapest were yet able to encroach upon their rights and violate their interests in a sufficient degree to make the Croatian people justifiably dissatisfied with their status and with the treatment accorded them by the common rulers. This dissatisfaction became especially strong after 1849, when a regime of cruel absolutism was established, which—by greatly diminishing the scope of Croatian national autonomy, and by continuing the division of Croatian people in two separate political bodies—served well the selfish interests of the associated nations, but was very detrimental to the political, cultural and economic interests of all Croats.

Complete Independence regained 1918

In accordance with the truths expressed in the first paragraph of this Memorandum, the final result of the above mentioned state of affairs was, that—at the first opportunity they had—Croats broke away from their exploiters, and made their country again completely independent. The opportunity was given them by the developments in the world-war, and the independence was proclaimed by the Croatian Sabor (Diet), as the legal bearer and representative of the Croatian national sovereignty, on October 29, 1918—two weeks before the armistice on the Western front.

Treachery and Fraud of 1918.

II. The union of Croatia with the kingdom of Serbia was concluded, on the Croatian side, by politicians who had absolutely no authorization for such an act. The method of the union and even its earliest results was entirely adverse to the wishes and expectations of the Croats. For these reasons the act of the union was never ratified by the Croatian people, but was, on the contrary, overwhelmingly rejected by them, not only at the elections for the Constituent Assembly in 1920, but also at every other opportunity which they had before and since that time.

The idea of united front of the South-Slavs

During the long fight against the supremacy of Austria and Hungary a conclusion was reached by a number of Croatian leaders that, when the complete independence of Croatia is finally regained, a special arrangement will have to be made in order to protect it from new assaults by the old enemies.  An ideal protection, many thought, would be found in the establishment of a united front of all the South-Slavic nations, Slovenes, Croats, Serbs and Bulgars, which could find its expression in a common united state, organized either as a federation or confederacy of free and autonomous peoples.

During the war

In accordance with this thought, whose popularity rose in proportion to the growing hegemonistic tendencies of the Austro-Hungarians, those Croatian leaders, who had been able to leave the country before the outbreak of open hostilities in 1914, together with some Slovenes and Serbs from the lands of the Monarchy, constituted themselves into a “Yugoslav Committee”, the purpose of which was to work for the liberation of all the South-Slavs from the Austro-Hungarian rule and their ultimate union with Serbia and Montenegro into a common state, which would act as the protector of the liberty and territorial integrity of each nation joining it.
Inside the country, in Croatia, this program was also gaining momentum. Its most open and most radical champion was then the Starchevich’s Party of Rights, which, on June 5, 1918 adopted a resolution, whose most important clause was the following:

Expected retention of Croatian statehood

“We demand liberty and the union of all our people into a national state of the Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, which would preserve all the separate (national) individualities of our trinomial people, and guarantee the continuity of all the historic politico-juridical structures on its territory. On the basis of our own state-rights, we particularly demand the preservation of the continuity of the distinct Croatian statehood.”

Free State of the Slovenes, Croats and Serbs

This passage expresses not only what the members of the Starchevich’s Party of Rights thought, but also what the great majority of Croats wished, hoped for, and confidently expected from the union. In that expectation, the same declaration of the Croatian Diet, which proclaimed the complete independence of Croatia, expressed also the willingness of the Croats to join “a united, national, sovereign State of the Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, which would include all the territories in which this trinomial people now lives, irrespective of any provincial or international boundaries.” At the same sitting the Croatian Diet also recognized the National Council of the Slovenes, Croats and Serbs—organized some time before—as the de facto government of the State of the Slovenes, Croats and Serbs—a fully sovereign and independent state, which was established on the basis of that declaration, and which included all the South-Slavic lands of the (former) Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.
The duties and powers temporarily entrusted to the National Council SHS included those which up to that time were exercised either by the common government at Budapest, or by the central government at Vienna, or by the emperor; they also included the authority to enact necessary emergency legislation. The Council, however, was given no authority to conclude, on its own responsibility, a definite union with either Serbia, or any other -nation. The idea was to first complete the organization of the new State SHS, and then to enter, on a footing of full equality, into discussions with the constitutional representatives of Serbia, with the view of finding and establishing a mutually satisfactory basis, on which the union would ultimately be enacted.

The Geneva Protocol

The task of entering these discussions the Council entrusted to its own president, Doctor A. Koroshetz; to the president of the Yugoslav Committee of London, Doctor A. Trumbitch, and to a few other delegates. The meeting with the representation of Serbia—consisting of the prime-minister, Mr. N. Pasich, and of the chiefs of all the larger political parties—took place at Geneva, November 6-9, 1918. The result of the ensuing conference was the so-called “Protocol of Geneva”, which, although not quite satisfactory from the Croatian standpoint, was yet much more so than the act of Dec. 1, which superseded it. The Protocol, namely, not only accepted the principle of the complete equality of the State SHS with the kingdom of Serbia, but also left to the first named state its full sovereignty and self-government—with the National Council of Zagreb as the highest authority—until a new constitution had been adopted by the proposed Constitutional Assembly.

Intrigues and Nov. 24

Such an arrangement, however, was exactly what the real (though invisible) government of Serbia—a clique of militarists, financiers and politicians, with the prince-regent Alexander as one of the group—did not want. While the telegrams sent from Geneva were mysteriously “lost on the way”, this clique succeeded—by propaganda and cajolery, as well as by intrigues and various underhand deals—to so influence the membership of the National Council SHS at Zagreb, that it finally fell victim to the designs of the plotters, and decided (Nov. 24, 1918) for an immediate union with Serbia, conferring at the same time the highest executive authority on its prince-regent, Alexander Karageorgevitch.
Although the declaration, which proclaimed the above decision, contained also a few of what they considered as “saving clauses”, about which more will be said later, the members of the Council caused an irreparable mischief by their hastiness: Notwithstanding the fact that they had clearly overstepped their authority—which, of course, made their act constitutionally illegal—yet they had succeeded in giving over into the hands of the above mentioned ruling clique of Serbia all the real power in the whole country, administrative as well as military, opening thereby the way for all the misuse of that power, and for all the tyrannical persecutions, in which even some of them, themselves, later were victims.  This power, moreover, allowed Belgrade to manipulate further developments and arrangements connected with the organization of the united state in such a way, that Croats, instead of finding in the union a protection for their national independence and for the integrity of their territory, only found in it a monster, which has robbed them of both.

Beginning of terrorism

Immediately, namely, after the proclamation of December 1, 1918, Croatia was overrun by detachments of the Serbian army and gendarmerie, and a rule of terror and intimidation was introduced. The favorite method of this terror was and is the beating and flogging of the Croatian peasants and the incarceration of their leaders. The immediate motive for these atrocities was the fact that Croatian people—in contrast with the majority of their politicians, members of the National Council SHS—had a better sense of realities and of their national rights, and declined to accept the arrangement of Dec. 1 as final or legally binding.  In April 1919 they sent a petition with 157,669 signatures, to the Peace Conference at Paris, which petition pointed out the fact that, by their act of Dec. 1, the National Council SHS had clearly exceeded its authority, and that, therefore, this act was null and void.

Croats decline to accept the arrangement of Dec. 1

In November 1920, at the elections for the Constituent Assembly, Croats reiterated this stand.  More than three-fourths of all the Croatian votes were cast for parties — primarily the Croatian Peasant Party — whose programs included the non-recognition of the legality of the said act.  This position, as all the later parliamentary elections showed, was never changed by the Croatian people.

Broken Pledges.

III. Unauthorized on the Croatian side as it was, and such as it was, the Pact of the Union-if such a name could be given to a number of documents and declarations, the most important of which were the National Council’s resolution of Nov. 24, 1918, and the prince-regent’s address accepting the same—was afterwards broken, and violated in its most import- ant provisions, by the Serbian government and the executive head of the Serbian state.
In the National Council’s resolution of Nov. 24 the most important of the saving clauses”—on the basis of which many of the Croatian members, who would not have done so otherwise, voted for its adoption—was the following:

Constitution adopted contrary to preliminary provisions

“The final organization of the new state can be determined only in a general Constituent Assembly of the whole united nation of the Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, by a two-thirds majority of votes ….  For the Constituent Assembly is specifically reserved to determine: The Constitution, including the form of government—monarchy or republic,—the internal organization of the state, and the fundamental rights of citizens”.
In the address by which the prince-regent of Serbia, in behalf of that nation, accepted the Council’s declaration, and proclaimed the union of Serbia with the State of the Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, we find this passage:
“In regard to the wishes and opinions with which you have acquainted me, and all of which I and my government unreservedly accept, the government will at once undertake to bring to realization everything you stated regarding the transitory period till the meeting and the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, and also everything you stated regarding the election and the organization of that Assembly”.
However, when the Constituent Assembly finally convened, more than two years later—the intervening time was utilized by the ruling clique to engineer the elections to its own advantage—the new constitution was not adopted by a two-thirds, but by a simple majority, only 223 out of 419 members having voted for its adoption. Even this simple majority, moreover, could be secured only after several smaller groups had been openly bought by the government; the expropriated Bosnian begs, controlling the Bosnian Moslems’ Party, receiving, for instance, 100 million Dinars. Out of 91 Croatian representatives only 11 voted for the new constitution, while 51 members of the Croatian Peasant Party, faithful to the principle of non-recognition of the original act of the union, never took their seats in the Assembly.
Eleven out of ninety-one, a little more than 12%! Yet, in November and December 1918 no cry was heard oftener than the assertion, that there would be no “majorization” in the Constituent Assembly of either of the uniting peoples, i. e., that no constitution would be adopted, unless it received the support of the majority of each, the Slovenian, the Serbian, and the Croatian representation.

Inequality in rights and privileges

Another provision contained in the “Pact of the Union” and announced with all the loudness possible was the principle of the full equality in civic rights and privileges of all citizens, regardless of their being Slovenes, Croats, or Serbs.
In reality, as soon as the union was carried through in the above described manner, it became evident, that being a Croat was a terrible handicap to all those who had any business with governmental agencies and particularly for those who were qualified for, and wished to enter, any branch of the government service. The Serbian ruling clique and the Serbian politicians had plenty of their own henchmen to place in the government service, and the question of qualifications was not considered one of importance.  There were many instances of former clerks with only a couple of years of public school education displacing law-school graduates with 15 or 20 years of experience, in the important office of district commissioner.
Army, finances, railroads, public instruction, diplomatic corps and foreign service—all these departments of government were filled with Serbs, protégés of the Serbian politicians, and in none of these departments was there ever much of a chance for a Croat, unless, of course, he was willing to become useful, not to the people, but to the camarilla.
In the Austrian-Hungarian army there were always from ten to twenty commanding generals who were Croats.  In Yugoslavia, which was supposed to be “their own” country to the Croats, there were at one time more than 80 generals, and not one of them was a Croat, although there still lived several of the former Austro-Hungarian high officers of Croatian nationality, who had rendered, during the critical period of October and November 1918, a great service to the cause of liberty of all the South-Slavic peoples.
This simple example may serve as a fair illustration of the “equality in privileges and civic rights” as between the Croatian and Serbian citizens of Yugoslavia.

Dictatorship—violation of the original “pact”

Still another cardinal provision in that “Pact” concluded between representatives of Serbia and the members of the National Council SHS was the unconditional stipulation that the united country would be run in accordance with the principles of democracy and parliamentarism.
In the above mentioned address of acceptance of the National Council’s declaration of Nov. 24, the prince-regent made the following pledge:
“Faithful to the example and to the counsels of my exalted parent, I shall be the king to only the free citizens of the State of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and shall always remain faithful to the great constitutional, parliamentary and broadly-democratic principles, based on the right of general popular franchise”.
This pledge was reiterated by the prince-regent in his first proclamation addressed to the people, and dated January 6, 1919, in the following words.
“As the king of a free and democratic people, I shall steadfastly, in everything I do, remain true to the principle of constitutional and parliamentary government . . .”
On the tenth anniversary-day of this last quoted proclamation, i. e., on January 6, 1929, king Alexander made another one by which he suspended the constitution, dissolved the parliament, and set up an absolutist dictatorship.

A Medieval Conspiracy.

IV. In setting up the dictatorship, the real rulers of Serbia have not only removed from their authority in Croatia the last remaining vestige of legality, but, since the preliminary steps leading to dictatorship included the murdering of foremost Croatian leaders, they have also made any reconciliation between Croatia and Serbia—for as long at least as they are the masters in the latter nation—quite impossible, except, of course, on the basis of complete restoration to the former of all the national and state rights.

Croatian opposition

The fraudulent manner in which the union with Serbia was executed, and the terrible misrule which followed that union, were naturally resented by the Croatian people, who in a short time developed a strong opposition to the whole system of government which was imposed on them against their will, and under which they were subjected to a reign of brutal terrorism. Since the very first elections held in the new state—those for the Constituent Assembly, in the fall of 1920—the Croatian voters expressed their dissatisfaction with the conditions by electing to the Belgrade parliament ever increasing numbers of deputies, who were opposed to the whole system on which the country was organized.
The Croatian opposition was becoming ever stronger. The ruling clique of Belgrade felt itself really endangered, and particularly so, when, through the efforts of Croatian deputies, one of their own number—R. Pasich, the son of the former veteran premier—had been publicly convicted for corruption, shady dealings, and misappropriation of -public property. Then, for the first time, rumors of an impending suspension of the parliamentary principle began to circulate in Belgrade coffeehouses and newspaper offices.

Croatian leaders doomed

The resistance of the Croats, however, was still increasing. Using the Belgrade parliament as the medium, through which they could be most easily heard, Croatian leaders were raising a cry of protest, which was becoming ever louder. The ruling camarilla was in a tight corner, but it was still far from being ready to give way to the will of the people. Instead, it decided: “Parliamentary must go, but, before this can be done effectively, Croatian leaders must first be put away . . where they could hold no speeches, and write no articles for the papers . . .”
June I 8 and 19, 1928 were busy days for some people in Belgrade. One of the busiest places was the king’s palace, where a great many conferences took place during those two days. One of the most frequent visitors to the palace was a Serbian representative, whose name was—Punisha Rachich. On the night of June 19, Punisha was there again and spent several hours in a talk with the Marshal of the King’s Court, Drag. Jankovitch.

Murder in the parliament

On June 20, this representative, a member of the parliamentary majority, asked to be recognized by the speaker. Afterwards he seemed to change his mind. But at the direct urging by the speaker—also, of course, a member of the parliamentary majority—he went to the rostrum and, immediately upon arriving there, he produced a revolver, which he leisurely proceeded to empty into a group of Croatian leaders. Result of the shooting: Two Croatian deputies dead, three wounded, one of the wounded being the chief of the Croatian Peasant Party, Stephen Radich, who died from the consequences of the shooting a few weeks later.
The first object of the conspiracy was attained. The way to the second was now open.
Dictatorship was proclaimed some six months after the shooting.

The Plight of Croatia.

V. Since one party to the Pact of the Union of December 1, 191 8, the National Council SHS, had no authority to conclude it; and since the other party to it, the king and the government of Serbia, had afterwards broken and violated its most important provisions: therefore, that pact is legally null and void, and the rule of Serbia over Croatia cannot be considered as resting on any other foundation, but on that of brut- al force. The main effects and consequences of that rule of force for Croatia were, and still are: the annihilation of the Croatian national individuality and of distinct Croatian statehood; the subordination of Croatian national and racial interests to those of Serbia; maladministration; economic exploitation of Croatia by the Serbian rulers; deliberate restraint of the cultural progress in Croatia; and a reign of terror and oppression.

Instead of better security — annihilation

ABOLITION OF THE STATE OF CROATIA. For twelve hundred years the Croatian people lived in their own national state. This state was at first completely independent, but since 1102 its independence of action was somewhat limited by the personal union with Hungary and, afterwards, by its becoming a member-state of the Hapsburg Empire. During all this time, however, Croatia preserved its individuality and distinctness as a nation, as well as the autonomy of its internal affairs. Resenting the hegemonistic policies of Hungary and the centralizing efforts of Vienna, and the encroachments upon their national rights and privileges, Croats made use of the opportunity given them by the developments in the world war BY MAKING THEIR COUNTRY AGAIN COMPLETELY INDEPENDENT. This newly won independence was, unfortunately, short-lived. Through treachery and fraud Croatia came into the grasping claws of imperialistic Belgrade, WHOSE FIRST MAJOR ACT, WHEN IN POWER, WAS THE ABOLITION OF THE SEPARATE CROATIAN STATEHOOD AND ANNIHILATION OF THE CROATIAN NATIONAL INDIVIDUALITY. Croatia was wiped off the map of Europe, its inhabitants transformed into a subject-people, its territories made into a domain for exploitation by the ruling class of Serbia.
Denationalization of the Croatian people was one constant policy of the Belgrade rulers. Since the establishment of the dictatorship this policy is particularly pronounced.  The use of the very names of “Croat” and “Croatia” was forbidden by a decree of the dictator, and also the Croatian flag, and every other emblem of Croatian national distinctness. The present generation of Croats is being forcibly prevented from using and honoring all that, which countless generations before it had zealously preserved, and had left to it, as its rightful heritage.

Betrayal of Croatian interests

SUBORDINATION OF CROATIAN NATIONAL INTERESTS IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF YUGOSLAVIA. One of the main arguments propounded by the advocates of the union with Serbia among the Croatian politicians was, that such union would serve as a preservator for the integrity of the Croatian national territory.  This argument was proved as faulty, and the expectation on which it was based as unfounded, when a great part of Croatia was lost to it, only through either the criminal negligence or deliberate planning on the part of the Serbian diplomacy.

The terrible cost of “liberation”

ECONOMIC EXPLOITATION OF CROATIA. The economic policy of the Yugoslav (Serbian) government was from the very beginning violently anti-Croatian. Early in 1919 the government decided to devaluate the Crown (Krone), which was, naturally, the only money used in Croatia. The first act was to stamp all the Crown-notes with a special stamp, and to confiscate 20% of all the money offered for such stamping. Only a short time later, the stamped Crown was forcibly exchanged with the Serbian Dinar in the ratio of 4 Crowns for 1 Dinar—in spite of the fact that on international exchanges, although these were previously artificially manipulated through the selling of Crowns and buying of Dinars by the Belgrade government, the ratio was still much more favorable to the Crown. BY THESE TWO OPERATIONS THE CROATIAN NATION WAS ROBBED OF MORE THAN TWO-THIRDS OF ITS SAVINGS.
In addition to that, TAXES PAID BY CROATS WERE, AND STILL ARE, FROM THREE TO SIX TIMES AS GREAT AS THE TAXES PAID BY THE INHABITANTS OF SERBIA WITH THE SAME INCOME AND PROPERTY. This inequality has been defended by the Serbian politicians with the cynical statement, that the Croatian people were thereby paying only what they “owed” Serbia for their “liberation” from the Austro-Hungarian yoke!
The rate of taxation was not only exorbitant but truly ruinous. While the prices of agricultural products, which bring more than 80% of Croatia’s income, fell between 1921 and 1928 nearly 300%, the rate of taxation rose in the same period some 1500%.
The power of the government was also used to divert the flow of commerce in such a way as to benefit Serbia and weaken Croatia. There were many instances of government’s refusing a license to operate to a manufacturing or commercial concern unless and until it was willing to move its place of business from Croatia to Serbia.
DUE TO SUCH ECONOMIC POLICIES OF THE SERBIAN GOVERNMENT, CROATIA, ONCE A REMARKABLY PROSPEROUS COUNTRY, IS TODAY ON THE VERGE OF ECONOMIC RUIN.

Forcing down the standards of culture

GOVERNMENT’S SABOTAGE OF CROATIAN CULTURAL PROGRESS. In the field of cultural and educational endeavors Belgrade pursued the same policy in regard to Croatia as in the field of economic development. Many Croatian cultural institutions and organizations were forcibly dissolved and their funds confiscated by the government. The standards of teaching in the public schools were deliberately lowered, a great many of the high schools altogether abolished, and the standards of the University of Zagreb impaired by the refusal or restriction of necessary budgetary credits. Several of the most prominent professors at the University were dismissed, some because of their political convictions, some again simply in order to injure the cultural prestige of the Croatian nation in general, and of its main university in particular.
These were some of the means by which Belgrade hoped to equalize the cultural standing of Serbia with that of Croatia, WHOSE CIVILIZATION IS SEVERAL CENTURIES IN ADVANCE OF THE SERBIAN.

Corruption and incompetence of officials

MALADMINISTRATION. In accordance with their idea that Yugoslavia was only an enlarged Serbia, the Serbs retained the same administrative apparatus, which had been designed to administer a nation of a little more than 4,000,000 people, to administer a country with a population of more than 12,000,000. This apparatus was, moreover, filled with personnel—appointed for political reasons, as previously mentioned—so incompetent and so corrupt, that in a short time a terrific chaos became supreme in all the branches of public life.
Croatia, whose administrative machinery before the union was excellent, felt the change to the new system of inefficiency, incompetence, and plunder-by-bribery most strongly, for it was to Croatia that the worst element of the Balkanic Serbian officialdom was sent, THIS TYPE BEING THE MOST SKILFUL IN THE ART OF PERSECUTING AND TERRORIZING A PEACEFUL AND CIVILIZED PEOPLE.

Barbarian methods and oriental cruelty

OPPRESSION AND TERRORISM. From the time, when the first Serbian troops came into Croatia, and up to the present day, Croats were subjected to a reign of terror and oppression, which has few equals in the whole history of Europe. It began with the flogging of the Croatian peasants in the winter of 1918-1919 and reached its height in the killing of the Croatian national leaders in June 1928. During the era of dictatorship, consequent upon that killing, it was developed into a complete system of governing by terror and persecutions.

Culmination Under dictatorship

The installation of the dictatorship was followed by the suspension of the rights of assembly and free speech. Then the press was muzzled, and the whole country was put under a rigid censorship so that no cry for help may escape across the frontiers. When these preliminaries had been attended to, thieves and other common criminals were released from the jails and penitentiaries—to make room for the “political offenders”. In a short time all these jails and penitentiaries were filled to overflowing with the patriotic Croats, whose only “crime” was, that they wanted to remain true to their nation and their race. These prisoners were then generally subjected to the most inhuman cruelties imaginable, the purpose of which was to extract from them incriminating “confessions” by which others could be arrested and convicted.

Flogging, bastinado, murder

The favorite forms of torture were flogging and bastinado, but frequently methods were used which probably had not been employed since the times of the barbaric invasions. Only two of the many KNOWN instances: A merchant, Javor by name, was hanged by one arm, while burning candles were applied to his naked body. To M. Starchevich, a young college graduate, heavy weights were hanged on the most vital part of the male human body, and removed only, when the terrible pain caused him to loose consciousness. Later they were put on again, and the operation was repeated several times. It happened at times that one of the victims could not endure such or similar treatment, and he died either during the torture, or shortly afterwards. The unfortunate’s body was then generally thrown from an upper-story window down on the pavement below, to make it appear as though he had committed suicide.  In this particular manner, and in less than two years, eight Croatian patriots lost their lives in the Zagreb penitentiary alone.
Again, dozens of prisoners were killed by the police while being taken from one jail to another. The pretext was always that the victims had “tried to flee”, or that they were “resisting the officers of the law”.

Persecutions and killings of intellectuals

Croatian intellectuals seemed to be especially obnoxious to the dictatorial government of Belgrade. One of them, the University Professor Milan Sufflay, whose inborn astuteness had prevented Serbian agents from bringing him to jail by the favorite method of the frame-up, WAS FINALLY MURDERED BY PROFESSIONAL ASSASSINS HIRED FOR THAT PURPOSE THE AGENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT, MEMBERS OF THE ZAGREB POLICE FORCE.
The same method was used in the, fortunately unsuccessful, attempt to assassinate the Croatian leader Dr. Mile Budak. Doctor Budak escaped death only because of his strong constitution, but, as a consequence of the terrible beating he received in that assault, he had to spend many months in bed, recuperating from the wounds and from the shock to his nerves.
The latest victim is Jos. Predavec, the representative of the Croatian Peasant Party, who was murdered.
Such are the means upon which the King of Serbia and his camarilla rely in their efforts to restrain Croatia—enslaved by them only through fraud and treachery—from regaining its freedom and independence.
Can they be successful? Or will they succeed in only starting another general conflagration in Europe—as they did once before?

Conclusion

In view of all the reasons enumerated and all the f acts mentioned above, the Croatian National Council of North America, in the name of more than 250,000 American Croats, who have either countersigned or otherwise endorsed this Council’s resolution of February 22, 1932, hereby declares:
1. The rule of the king and the government of Serbia over Croatia has no basis in either law or equity. It is maintained exclusively by force, and in direct opposition to the repeatedly and clearly expressed will of the Croatian people. The further toleration of that rule is, for that reason, dangerous to the peace in Europe, and contrary to the best interests of civilized humanity.
2. The only true representative and the only de iure government in Croatia is at the present time the Croatian National Representation consisting of representatives chosen by the Croatian people in the parliamentary elections of 1927.
3. The Croatian National Council of North America heartily endorses—with the amending reservation, contained in clause 4 of this declaration—the resolution of the Croatian National Representation of November 1932, as interpreted and amplified by its now imprisoned president, Doctor Vlatko Matchek. This resolution calls for a return of Croatia to the status of October 29, 1918, and demands an immediate withdrawal of the Serbian army and of the king’s minions from the territory of Croatia, in order, that the Croatian nation may freely determine the form of government, under which it wishes to live, and all the relationships with the neighboring nations, into which it may wish to enter.
4. In reference to the future relationships of Croatia with the neighboring nations, including Serbia, the Croatian National Council of North America, in accordance with the opinions and demands expressed in the four appendices to this document and in the Joint-Memorandum of all the Croatian groups in emigration, feels duty-bound and fully authorized to state:
Americans of Croatian descent, and Croats residing in the United States and Canada, as well as all the other groups of the Croatian race now living outside the boundaries of Croatia (in South America, Belgium, France, Germany, etc.) have repeatedly and nearly unanimously expressed a decided preference, over all the other suggested solutions of the Croatian question, FOR THE REESTABLISHMENT OF CROATIA AS A COMPLETELY FREE, COMPLETELY SOVEREIGN, AND COMPLETELY INDEPENDENT NATION, inside of whose boundaries would be gathered and reunited all the historically Croatian territories on which Croatian people live in compactness.
5. Having been assured, and fully convinced, that Croats in Croatia agree completely with the above stated declaration of political aims of the Croatian nation, but are prevented from publicly proclaiming their convictions by the brutal force of their oppressors: Therefore we, the members of the Croatian National Council of North America, in the name of 250,000 people of Croatian origin now living on this continent, appeal hereby to the League of Nations, to the governments of the United States and Canada and all other civilized nations, to the Press, and to the individual statesmen and political leaders of the world., to use their power and their influence in such a way, as to speedily bring an end to the suffering and to the enslavement of the Croatian nation.
We particularly appeal to them to prevail upon the king and the government of Serbia to peacefully withdraw the Serbian troops and administrative apparatus from the Croatian territory, in order, that the Croatian nation may in complete freedom exercise its right of self-determination, and decide about its future. We also ask, that to the right of national self-determination of Croatia no strings be attached beforehand, and that the free decision of the Croatian people be in advance recognized as final and binding for all the parties concerned.
In conclusion, we again call attention to the fact, that, unless the just demands of the Croatian nation receive, in the future, more consideration from the League of Nations and other responsible factors, and, unless Serbia is prevailed upon to recognize Croatia’s right of national self-determination, and to peacefully withdraw from its territory, Croatian people have no other recourse open, but to resort to that kind of self-help, which may include open rebellion. If that happens, further conflicts will be unavoidable, and the peace of the world will again be disturbed.
The responsibility for such consequences will not rest with the Croats, whose just demands include only the recognition of their elementary rights to liberty and free development.

Youngstown, Ohio, September 20th, 1933.

Kuzma Kuharić

Ivan Stipanović

Ivan Krešić

Milan Billich

Appendices

Appendix No. 1

Declaration of the All-Croatian Congress

(On October 16 and 17, 1931, representatives from nearly all of the fraternal, educational, and political organizations of Americans of Croatian descent and of Croats residing in the United States and Canada, met in Detroit, in order to protest against the oppression of their brethren in the country of their common origin, and to design plans, whereby they could participate more actively in the fight for a free and sovereign Croatia.  This, the All-American Congress, unanimously adopted the following declaration:)
Americans of Croatian descent and Croats residing in the United States and Canada, as represented at this Congress, enthusiastically declare themselves in complete sympathy with their brethren in the country from which they originate, and with their demand for the re-establishment of the free and independent Croatia.
The All-Croatian Congress protests bitterly and vehemently against the oppression and the persecutions of the Croatian people in the homeland, and against the rule of terror and exploitation, the responsibility for which lies with king Alexander Karageorgevich and his henchmen.
This Congress appeals to the League of Nations, to the governments of all free nations, especially the government of the United States, and to all liberty loving and humane people throughout the world to do everything in their power to bring to an end the suffering of the Croatian nation by a general recognition of that nation’s right of self- determination.

Appendix No. 2

MESSAGE

OF THE CROATIAN PRIESTS

TO THE CROATIAN PEOPLE

IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

“We, the undersigned, Catholic priests of Croatian birth or ancestry, hereby proclaim to our beloved Croatian brethren this, our message and our vow:
In union with you, and with all true sons and daughters of Croatia, we shall always defend the vital interests of Croatia in national and religious affairs; and, with all the strength of our souls, we shall stand staunchly by our Croatian brethren, ever ready to make any necessary sacrifice, so that our brothers and sisters, who live across in the beloved land of our ancestors, with our humble help may regain for the Croatian people that position in the family of nations, which is rightly theirs as ordained by God and justice.”
Dated December 1st, 1931.
Rev. Mirko Kajić, D.D., pastor, Johnstown, Pa.
Rev. Oskar Šuster, pastor, Detroit, Mich.
Rev. Francis Podgoršek, pastor, E. Chicago, Ind.
Rev. Leo Jos. Medić, OFM., pastor, Steelton, Pa.
Rev. I. Petričak, OFM., Steelton, Pa.
Rev. Ivan Stipanović, pastor, Youngstown, Ohio
Rev. John Juricek, pastor, Omaha, Nebr.
Rev. Albert Žagar, pastor, Millvale, Pa.
Rev. Ilija Severović, pastor, Chicago, Ill.
Rev. Ambroz Mišetić, OFM., pastor, Milwaukee, Wis.
Rev. Špiro Andrijanić, OFM., pastor, So. Chicago, Ill.
Rev. Zvonko Mandurić, OFM., pastor, West Allis, Wis.
Rev. Blaž Jerković, OFM., pastor, Chicago, Ill.
Rev. Bono Andačić, OFM., San Francisco, Calif.
Rev. Franjo Bahorić, pastor, Los Angeles, Calif.
Rev. V. Vukonić, pastor, Lorain, Ohio
Rev. B. Badura, pastor, Lackawanna, N.Y.
Rev. Chas. A. Štimac, pastor, Kansas City, Kansas
Rev. Dobroslav Sorić, pastor, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Rev. A. Hugolin Feisz, OFM., Chicago, Ill.
Rev. Josip Mišić, Youngstown, Ohio
Rev. Anselm Slišković, pastor, Farrell, Pa.
Rev. Vladislav Luburić, OFM., Chicago, Ill.
Rev. Josip Matun, Cleveland, Ohio

Appendix No. 3

Resolution

ADOPTED AT THE 3rd CONVENTION OF THE H. B. Z.

(CROATIAN FRATERNAL UNION,)

HELD ON THE 27th OF JUNE 1932, IN GARY, IND.

The third Convention of the H. B. Z., representing and speaking in behalf of the 90,000 organized Croats in the United States and Canada, and interpreting the thoughts and feelings of its members concerning the conditions to which the Croatian nation in the old country is subjected, adopts, unanimously, the following declaration:
1) The H. B. Z. condemns most emphatically all the tyrannies and persecutions, that have been, and still are, perpetrated by the Belgrade regime over Croatia and the Croatian nation. It condemns the annulment of the millennial Croatian State, the total disregard of Croatian interests in the spheres of international politics, in economics, and its cultural development. It condemns the unabated use of terror as a means, by which the insane imperialism of Belgrade militarists tries to keep the Croatian nation forcibly and perpetually enslaved.  It condemns, explicitly, the imprisonment, flogging, torturing and murdering of Croatian leaders, eliminating, thereby, the best sons of the Croatian nation.
2) Having unbounded faith in the immortal American declaration of independence and of the inalienable right of every nation to its freedom and to an independent and self-sustaining national life, which right has been attested to the Croatian nation by the well known declaration of the President of the United States during the world war, this Convention solemnly demands the return to the Croatian nation its liberties, its confiscated rights and its stolen wealth. It, furthermore, demands the acknowledgement of its sovereign right to decide for itself, and to establish its own State: a free and independent Croatia with full freedom, full equality and perfect social justice for all its citizens.
3) The Convention greets all those Croatian patriots who work and strive in the spirit of the above declaration, calling to them: Persist, and do not relax, until the defrauded and sorely tried Croatian nation has established its right to a free life in a free State of Croatia.
4) The Convention honors the countless victims who sacrificed their lives in the struggle against the imperialistic tyranny and for the freedom of their nation and the rights of Man.

Appendix No. 4

AFFIDAVIT OF OFFICERS OF

THE CROATIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NORTH AMERICA

RELATIVE TO CIRCULATING PETITIONS APPEALING FOR THE NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE OF CROATIA

THE STATE OF OHIO

COUNTY OF MAHONING

ss:

KUZMA KUHARICH and REV. JOHN A. STIPANOVIC, both of Youngstown, Ohio, being first duly sworn according to law, upon their oaths severally depose and say:
That they are the duly elected, qualified and acting president and secretary, respectively, of THE CROATIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NORTH AMERICA; that as such, they were instructed and authorized to circulate, amongst the Americans of Croatian ancestry or Croatians residing in the United States of America and others, petitions which were styled “AN APPEAL FOR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE OF CROATIA”, and which contained the following language:
WHEREAS, the Croatians, who constitute one of the smaller civilized nations of Europe, have been wrongfully and unjustly denied their national independence and their right of self-determination after the World War; and
WHEREAS, militaristic Serbia now rules Croatia through force and deceit and chicanery; and
WHEREAS, the tyrannical, despotic and oppressive government of the Serbs is persistently subjugating and trodding over the Croatians, with a view of wiping them out of their motherland; and
WHEREAS, the Croatians in Croatia (including Slavonia, Dalmatia, Bosnia, Hercegovina and Vojvodina), by reason of the Serbian military occupation of the Croatian provinces, are being wrongfully denied the privilege to freely express their honest convictions as to their right of self-determination as a nation.
NOW THEREFORE, be it resolved, that we, the undersigned, either Americans of Croatian descent, or Croatians residing in the United States of America, or friends and advocates of justice and liberty for all nations, hereby appeal to you for the liberation of Croatia from the tyrannical and despotic rule and domination of the Serbs, and we further appeal to you for the national independence of subjugated and down-trodden Croatia.
Pursuant to said authority and said instructions, such petitions were circulated and the genuine and bona fide signatures of 41,087 such persons were procured; and that in addition thereto, the genuine and bona fide signatures of 66 civic, church and fraternal organizations, by and through their respective officers, were procured.
AND FURTHER, deponents saith not.
Kuzma Kuharić (signature)
Ivan Stipanović (signature)

SWORN to before me, and subscribed in my presence this 20th day of September, 1933.

Julia M. Matus, m.p.

Notary Public.

Povijest društva “Hrvatska žena grana broj 1” – A History of “Croatian Woman Branch # 1”

Povijest društva “Hrvatska žena grana broj 1”, Chicago

1929. – 2009.

Društvo „Hrvatska žena“ osnovano je davne 1921. godine u Zagrebu s dobrotvornim ciljem „pomaganja hrvatskoj sirotinji, katoličkom življu, te dobrim Hrvaticama bez imetka“. Njen osnutak je vezan za cijeli jedan pokret koji seže u srednji vijek, a posebice u XIX. stoljeće kada su osnivane mnoge zaklade, bratovštine i udruženja s ciljem pomaganja nevoljnima. Ni Hrvati, niti njihova društva, u tome ne bijahu iznimka. Nakon Prvog svjetskog rata i stvaranjem Kraljevine, a kao rekacija na velikosrpske ideje i ugroženost opstojnosti hrvatskog naroda, osnivanju se različita društva. Tako su žene uključene u Radićevu stranku osnovale društvo pod nazivom „Hrvatsko srce“, a osnivaju se i mnoga tzv. Gospojinska društva s istim ciljem. Upravo ta društva bila su preteče osnivanju društva “ Hrvatska žena“.

Društvo “Hrvatska žena“ je osnovala Marija Kumičić, a za prvu voditeljicu Društva izabrana je gospođa Zora pl. Trnski, a njene potpredsjenice bijahu Ivka barunica Ožegović i gospođa Marija Kumičić. Sama imena ovih dičnih žena govore o ozbiljnosti pothvata, te o njegovu kulturnom utemeljenju. U prilog njihovoj ozbiljnosti i odgovornosti spram onih koji pate, a koji su istog roda, govori i činjenica kako su uskoro nakon osnivanja Društva organizirani ogranci diljem Hrvatske: u Petrinji (srpanj, 1921.) u Osijeku (srpanj, 1921.), u Požegi (1921.), u Karlovcu (rujan 1921.), u Jastrebarskom (1922.), te Sisku, Daruvaru, Brodu na Savi, Gospiću, Ogulinu, Vukovaru i drugim gradovima širom Hrvatske.

Bijaše to od samog početka snažno organizirano Društvo s jasnim ciljevima na kulturnom i humanom polju. Njihova dobrota seže daleko, za njih se čuje od mnogih , a njihova ljubav nalazi korijena i daleko od domovine, gdje god žive Hrvati. Njihov rad najbolje je izražen već na samom početku u Pravilu Društva kojeg su izradile gospođe Slava Furst i Julka Patriarch, a koje je odobreno 21. svibnja 1921. U njemu se ističe:

“Zadatak je društva da goji među hrvatskim ženama smisao za društvenost, koja će rađati inicijativom i akcijom na nacionalnom i feminističkom polju, na polju čovječnosti, prosvjećivanja, morala, narodnog zdravlja, društvenosti i privrede.” Da bi žene što bolje ostvarile ove zadane ciljeve odmah su osnovani odsjeci, prosvjetni, feministički, privredni i socijalni. Pjesnički te ciljeve skladno spjeva Josipa pl. Glembay u Osijeku 1922:

“Za dom svoj živi, pati i radi

Sloga Hrvata nam je spas

Doći će i vama sretni dani

Zapjevajmo u sav glas

Ljubit slobodu, a mrzit zlo

Hrvatske žene geslo je to’.”

Njihova žar i ljubav prema svom narodu vodila ih je k aktivnostima na svim poljima te dovela Društvo u sukob s vlastima. Već dvadesetih godina u srpskoj monarhiji Društvo je bilo zabranjivano zbog “nacionalističkog i separatističkog djelovanja”. Zbog pozivanja istaknutih hrvatskih javnih djelatnika na skup obilježavanja imendana dr. Starčevića i Radića na koji se odazvalo oko 1000 ljudi, država je 12. lipnja 1922. zabranila društvo “Hrvatska žena”. Gotovo isti tjedan slična sudbina se dogodila i društvu u Karlovcu. Ove zabrane su bile kratkotrajne. Iako je Društvo u svim gradovima zbog svog izrazitog domoljublja bilo kažnjavano i zabranjivano, ono je dvadesetih i tridesetih godina ipak odlučno nastavljalo svoj rad. Njegov konačni slom i završetak rada dogadja se u vrijeme NDH-a, kada je zakonskom odredbom države NDH-a 5. svibnja 1943. godine “Društvo Hrvatska žena” nakon pune 22 godine “dobrotvornog, kulturno-prosvjetnog i rodoljubnog rada” prestalo djelovati. Oduzete su sve prostorije u matičnoj kući koja se nalazila u Patačićkinovoj ulici broj 1a.

Društvo “Hrvatska žena” u Americi

Već nekoliko godina nakon osnivanja Društva u Zagrebu, 27. siječnja 1929. godine, utemeljeno je Društvo “Hrvatska žena, Grana br. 1 – Chicago”. Početak je bio uistinu zanimljiv, a kada govorimo o povijesnom pregledu nastanka socijalnih, humanitarnih, pa i političkih ustanova, onda svakako moramo priznati da je to uvijek djelo pojedinaca koji su imali jasnije vizije, ciljeve i poglede od drugih. Takvu jednu viziju imaše gospođa Agata Djurak kada se sa svojom kćeri Vilmom Strunjak obratila vlč. Inocentu Bojaniću, o. dominikancu iz Hrvatske župe Presvetog Trojstva u Chicagu. Izrazile su mu želju za osnivanjem društva koje bi se bavilo kulturnim i humanitarnim radom. Vlč. Bojanić im izlazi u susret dajući im svesrdnu podršku. Uskoro dolazi do prvog inicijativnog susreta s kojeg je vrijedno zabilježiti slijedeća imena: Klara Škvorc, Barbara Balija, Rozalija Kovačević-Kirin, Rozalija Sedar-Vuksanović, Frances Frkonja, Mary Karačić, Borislava Absac, Ruža Cesar, Magdalena Guldenpfening. Društvu su dale ime “Hrvatska žena, grana br. 1 – Chicago”. Za prvu predsjednicu su izabrale gospođu Klaru Škvorc. Već na samom početku Inicijativni Odbor je odredio svrhu i ciljeve društva: “djelovati na kulturnom i humanitarnom polju i ujedno upoznati Amerikance i strance s Hrvatskom i njenom kulturom.” I od početka, članice ovog vrijednog Društva počele su ostvarivati upravo taj određeni cilj. Organizirale su brojne izložbe i zabave te nastupale u svim aktivnostima koje su Hrvati Chicaga pripremali. Njihova aktivnost uskoro prelazi granice grada Chicaga te dolazi do osnivanja još 26 grana diljem Amerike. Već na početku, Društvo je legalizirano dobivši državnu dozvolu i svoju povelju (charter).

Tridesetih godina i posebice četrdesetih godina u vrijeme rata, Društvo pomaže Crveni križ i vojnike – kako američke tako i hrvatske. Pomažu lokalne bolnice, šalju vojnicima pakete i uplaćuju novac u zajedničke fondove osnovane u tijeku II. svjetskog rata. Domovinu Hrvatsku takodjer pomažu u vrijeme ratnih nedaća, te šalju pakete pomoći u daleku i dragu domovinu. Po završetku rata i tijekom masovnog stradanja u domovini i patnje hrvatskog naroda u izbjeglištvu, Hrvatska žena slala je pomoć hrvatskim izbjeglicama i sirotinji u logore diljem Europe i Južne Amerike.

Stišavanjem poratnih nedaća, Društvo se vraća kulturnom radu, te pomaže hrvatske studente, posebice na Duquesne University, kako bi što bolje naučili pjevati hrvatske pjesme i svirati tamburicu i na takav jedinstven način promicati hrvatsku kulturnu baštinu. Upravo takvim radom one su uspjele dvije objektivno različite kulture; američku i hrvatsku stalno sjedinjavati i približavati jednu drugoj. Mlađe generacije Hrvata upravo su po tim aktivnostima naučile biti jedno, iako su trajno obilježeni dvjema kulturama. Kao ilustracija toga može nam poslužiti pjesma koju napisa još 1922. prva predsjednica Društva Klara Škvorc:

“Ja sam rodjen Amerikanac,

Ali ipak nisam Indijanac.

Moja me je majka naučila,

da mi je mila još jedna domovina.

Prva mila domovina moja,

Jeste zemlja Georga Washingtona,

A to mi je i ponos i dika,

Jer se zove Slavna Amerika.

A druga je domovina mila

Gdje se Otac i Majka rodila,

A to vam je ona gruda sveta

Hrvatska nam na tisuće ljeta.

I zato se ja ponosim s tim

Jer sam, Hrvatske majke sin.

Živila naša Amerika!

Živila naša Hrvatska!”

Pedesetih, šezdesetih pa i sedamdesetih godina, kada su domovinu (iako nedostupnu u komunizmu) snašle elementarne nepogode, poplave i potresi, Društvo ponovno šalje novčanu pomoć kao i pomoć u hrani i lijekovima. Tih godina su i mnogi hrvatski misionari pošli diljem svijeta navještajući kršćansku ljubav. Njihov život prečesto bijaše bijeda i neimaština. Hrvatska žena se brine i za njih, te im šalje pomoc kao i hrvatskim župama, školama, te obiteljima hrvatskih robijaša diljem svijeta.

Aktivnosti Društva u novije vrijeme

Društvo “Hrvatska žena, grana broj 1” ponaosob je vrlo aktivno u hrvatskoj zajednici grada Chicaga u posljednjih 20 godina. Njezina socijalna, humanitarna, kulturna, prosvjetna i nacionalna aktivnost zaista je veličanstvena. Spomenuti ćemo ovdje samo jedan mali dio velikih aktivnosti. Vec 1988. Društvo pruža pomoć hrvatskim književnicima u domovini kao i hrvatskim rodoljubima i aktivistima na raznim poljima djelovanja, diljem svijeta. Njihova pomoć karitativnim udrugama nastavak je tradicije i karizme koju Društvo njeguje od početka. Već tada, dok je komunizam još bio snažan u Domovini, oni potpomažu hrvatske producente u nastajanju filmskih zapisa o tragediji nacije u zadnjih 50 godina. Isto tako pomažu se i hrvatski zatvorenici u americkim zatvorima.

1989. godine Društvo slavi svoju 60. obljetnicu postojanja. Tom prigodom iz Domovine dolazi poznata liječnica dr. Ružica Ćavar, borac za ljudska prava Hrvata, posebice na medicinskom polju. Njezina nazočnost na ovoj obljetnici i govor o neizbježnim demokratskim promjenama u Domovini motiviralo je mnoge Hrvatice grada Chicaga da pristupe Društvu. Njezina nazočnost je zaslužna da se broj članica penje na divnih dvije stotine.

Dolaskom godine 1989., a to znači i godina uoči stvaranja hrvatske države, “Hrvatska žena” se aktivno uključuje u pomoć i nastojanje da se snovi povijesti što lakše ostvare. Tako već na početku materijalno pomažu Franju Tuđmana, budućeg hrvatskog predsjednika te ostale aktivne javne djelatnike u domovini i svijetu čija imena su obično bila pisana crnim slovima, a druženje s njima bilo više nego opasno.

Početkom devedesetih

Prijelomne 1990. godine novije hrvatske povijesti, Društvo izgrađuje jače veze s domovinom te svojim prilozima podupire i Crkvu i državu na putu k slobodi, neovisnosti i budućnosti. Iako domovina zove i treba pomoć “Hrvatska žena” nastavlja pomagati pojedince i obitelji u njihovim često hitnim slučajevima. Tako se pomažu oboljela i slijepa djeca itd. U ljeto 1990. godine u Hrvatsku putuju predsjednica Zlata Ivezic, tajnica Milica Trutin i rizničarka Nevenka Jurković. I nakon pune 43. godine u središnjem hrvatskom gradu, Zagrebu, osnivaju inicijativni Odbor Hrvatske žene u Domovini. Ovo su prva nastojanja i koraci povratka na izvore.

U jesen iste godine “Hrvatska žena” po prvi put održava Modnu Reviju koja postaje tradicionalna jesenska manifestacija Društva. Ovom revijom Društvo prikuplja znatna materijalna sredstva koja onda odmah upućuje u domovinu. Mjesec listopad 1990. posebice je važan u povijesti Društva “Hrvatska žena grana broj 1”, Chicago. Naime tada, 25. listopada 1990. predsjednica Društva, gospođa Zlata Ivezić odlazi na osnivačku skupštinu Hrvatske žene u Zagrebu i nosi im znakoviti povijesni dar neizbrisive povezanosti:

– izvorni barjak “Hrvatske žene”

– grb “Hrvatske žene”

– 2,000 dolara pomoći za početak rada.

Iste godine pomažu se i stradali rudari u rudniku Tuzla, te središnji katolički Karitas u Zagrebu. Godina 1990. je važna ne samo za ostvarenje povijesnog sna o državnosti Hrvata, nego i za budućnost samog Društva “Hrvatska žena”. Naime te godine sastaje se Uprava društva i svi članovi društva kako bi izglasali ciljeve i zadaće rada ovog Društva. Njihova vizija ukratko obuhvaća slijedeće:

* skupljanje humanitarne pomoći i rad na pripremanju kontejnera za Hrvatsku

* slanje pisama raznim ustanovama

* prodaja kolača i hrvatskih umjetnina s ciljem prikupljanja sredstava

* organiziranje javne molitve krunice i međugorskih molitvenih skupina

* prikupljanje financijskih sredstava

* organizacija dobrotvornih banketa

* prodaja maslinovih grančica s crveno-bijelo-plavom trakom na Cvjetnicu u hrvatskim župama grada Chicaga

* organiziranje godišnje modne reviju (Fashion Show)

Već u proljeće 1991. godine kada domovina zapada u političko-ustavne, državotvorne i regionalne krize, Društvo prepoznaje potrebe naroda i šalje prvi kontejner pomoći u domovinu. To je ujedno početak sveobuhvatne pomoći koje će Društvo slati u više od 100 kontejnera i vrijednosti više od 10 milijuna američkih dolara. Žene, članice Društva razvijaju svoje aktivnosti i traže nove načine kako bi, iako daleko, bile blizu onima koji pate. Kao plod takva razmišljanja one na Cvjetnicu 1990. godine po prvi put prodaju znakove mira-maslinove graničice u svim hrvatskim župama grada Chicaga. Od tada do danas to ostaje vrlo draga i plodonosna tradicija. Iste godine kada se mnogi prilozi Hrvata Amerike slijevaju u Hrvatski Nacionalni Fond i Hrvatska žena ne izostaje, nego već na početku daruje tom fondu u Chicagu 15,000 američkih dolara. U isto vrijeme šalju pomoć od 5,000 dolara za lijekove u Hrvatsku te 10, 000 dolara za stradale u već započetom ratu.

Kao što sam spomenuo na početku, njihova aktivnost nije samo humanitarna. Žene su aktivno sudjelovale i dizale svoj glas u borbi protiv rata, nasilja i jednostranosti američkih i europskih državnih kabineta. Tako Društvo održava molitvu bdijenja sa svijećama ispred gradske vijećnice u Chicagu, organizira demonstracije, šalje na tisuće pisama američkim kongresmenima u Washigton, D.C., skuplja peticije za priznavanje Hrvatske Države itd.

Valja spomenuti aktivno sudjelovanje i svih hrvatskih župa grada Chicaga u svim hvale vrijednim pothvatima Hrvatske žene. Župe su pomagale na različite načine sve akcije, ustupajući uvijek svoje prostorije, utjecaj i tradiciju.

Godine 1992. predsjednicom društva postaje gospođa Nevenka Jurković. Aktivnosti se nastavljaju i množe. Pomaže se izdanju knjige prof. P. Cohena o stradanju Židova u Srbiji, kupovini medicinskih aparata, pojedinačne pomoći hrvatskim ratnim invalidima i stradalnicima rata. Zbog sve većih takvih potreba Društvo organizira banket u ožujku 1992. ciji prihod je išao za pomoć hrvatskim invalidima, a već u travnju za pomoć hrvatskoj ratnoj siročadi. Prepoznajući opasnosti Istoka u Slavoniji i prepolovljavanja Istočne Hrvatske Društvo šalje pomoć gradu Osijeku od 4,500 dolara. U toj godini, gotovo svaki mjesec Društvo organizira humanitarne bankete za pomoć domovini, kao i za pomoć pri plaćanju kontejnera koji sve češće odlaze put Hrvatske. Želeći i na političkoj sceni učiniti što više Društvo pomaže pri dolasku uglednog američkog Senatora D’Amata u Hrvatski kulturni centar-Chicago. Sve učestalije članice Društva prodajom kolača poslije svetih misa u hrvatskim župama, pokušavaju puniti fond koji pomaže i obnavlja domovinu.

Već početkom godine 1993. kada je najavljeno da se počima s obnovom tek kupljenog prvog hrvatskog veleposlanstva na američkom tlu, Društvo šalje svoj doprinos. U ožujku nakon stizanja užasnih vijesti iz karlovačkog kraja, “Hrvatska žena” šalje pomoć karlovačkoj bolnici (10,000 dolara), a u mjesecu lipnju održava banket za žrtve silovanja i tom prigodom iz domovine pozivaju gospođu Jadranku Cigelj, jednu od preživjelih iz pakla srpskih logora. U istom mjesecu predsjednica Društva, gospođa Jurković i dopredsjednica Marica Tomačić odlaze u Zagreb na Prvi Hrvatski Sabor Hrvatske žene. Tim činom povijest se ponavlja i tako dokazuje da su svi napori kroz 70 godina Društva “Hrvatska žena grana br. 1”, Chicago uistinu bili proročki s ciljem povratka na korijene i ognjišta što se ovim činom i ostvarilo. U isto vrijeme ispred hrvatske župe Presvetog Trojstva u Chicagu održava se molitveno bdijenje za uspjeh navednog Sabora u Zagrebu.

Svjesni kako je važna informacija i kako često u novije vrijeme mediji, a ne ratnici stvaraju povijest, članice šalju prilog Hrvatskom Informativnom Centru u Zagrebu. U mjesecu studenom Društvo organizira doček znamenitog Hrvatskog narodnog kazališta iz Zagreba.

Društvo poziva u Chicago Katu Šoljić, hrvatsku majku koja je u Vukovaru izgubila 4 sina. Izuzetni napori su učinjeni i na pomoći koja se slala tek novoosonovanim podružnicama “Hrvatske žene” u domovini.

Godina 1994. počima uistinu svečano. Tako 5. veljače, Društvo proslavlja plemenitih 65 godina svoga postojanja. Svečanost počinje radnim sastankom u Hrvatskom etnićkom institutu u Chicagu (Drexel Blvd.), nastavlja se svečanom svetom misom u župi sv. Jeronima, te završava banketom u dvorani župe sv. Jeronima. Tom prigodom Društvo poziva sve predstavnike hrvatskih župa i ustanova grada Chicaga te mnoge ugledne goste:

Dragica Pandek – predsjednica Hrvatske žene iz Zagreba.

Mario Nobilo – veleposlanik Republike Hrvatske pri UN-New York.

Gordana Turić – zastupnica Hrvatskog Sabora iz Zagreba

Anthony Petrušić – predsjednik Hrvatske katoličke zajednice za Ameriku i Kanadu

Anthony Berić – predsjednik AMCRO – New York

Snježana Franetović – “Hrvatska žena grana br. 32”, Detroit

Paula Majdak – “Hrvatska žena grana br. 3”, Milwaukee

Jasminka Ćorluka “Hrvatska žena”, Montreal

Brothers Rigis i sestra Dora, Salvatorian Mission House, iz New Holstin – Wisconsin

Tom posebnom prigodom izdana je i vrlo dobro uređena spomen knjiga 65. obljetnica društva “Hrvatska žena grana br. 1”, Chicago. Valja ne zaboraviti da je Društvo također do sada tiskalo spomen knjige o 45., 50., 55., i 60. obljetnice postojanja.

Nakon toga nižu se aktivnosti koje obuhvaćaju sudjelovanja na hrvatskim svjetskim saborovanjima u Clevelandu i Zagrebu, sudjelovanje na hrvatsko-američkom Kongresu u Chicagu, suorganiziranje banketa “Akcija za život”, proslave dana državnosti, itd. U ljeto 1994. Društvo organizira izložbu hrvatske kulturne baštine u State Building u sredistu Chicaga.

Godine 1995. gost Društva iz Domovine je Damir Plavšić, predsjednik studenata HVIDRA-e, te tom prigodom Društvo pomaže ratne invalide s darom od 25,000 dolara. U ljeto te godine, ponovno pomažu Akciju za život, a u mjesecu listopadu modnu reviju čine drugačijom i neuobičajenom predstavljujući narodne nošnje iz hrvatskih pokrajina. Isti mjesec, svjesni kulturocida počinjena na hrvatskom jugu, Društvo organizira dobrotvorni ručak za pomoć franjevačkom samostanu u Konavlima (5,000 dolara). Također Društvo predstavlja i promovira film “Vukovar se vraća kući.” Pomaže se i rade na promociji hrvatskih interesa, te u tu svrhu Društvo daje potporu ($8,000) hrvatsko-američkoj udruzi.

Svjesni da je rat završio “Hrvatske žene” se spremno odazivlju potrebama na svim područjima života. Valja svakako, ponajviše ovdje naglasiti, kako je u vrijeme ratnih stradanja od 1992. do 1996. Društvo poslalo preko 100 kontejnera pomoći vrijednih preko 10 milijuna američkih dolara. Veliku ljubav u otpremanju kontejnera i organizaciji pomoći darovale su gospođe Milica Trutin i Nina Perović. U tome su obilato pomagali i mnogi drugi među kojima valja spomenuti Hrvatsku katoličku zajednicu, Salvatorian Mission House iz Wisconsina i dr. Sve Hrvatske župe grada Chicaga su vrlo aktivno sudjelovale u ovom projektu. Stoga, radi povijesti i ljubavi, vrijedno je zapamtiti da je Društvo pomagalo cijelu Domovinu. Imena mjesta to najbolje potvrđuju: Zagreb, Rijeka, Mostar, Zadar, Šibenik, Vrlika, Ljubuški, Kloštar Ivanić, Sinj, Osijek, Djakovo, Imotski, Karlovac, Vinkovci, Poljica kod Omiša, Šestanovac-Katuni, Posušje, Split, Široki Brijeg, Makarska, Dubrovnik, Slavonski Brod, Vrgorac, Tomislavgrad, Gabela Polje-Metković i Čapljina, te pojedinci i skupine iz svih krajeva Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Osim toga Društvo je pomagalo i mnoge američke socijalne ustanove kao npr. Mercy Home, Children Memorial Hospital, American Red Cross, Misericordia Home i dr.

Slijedeće godine 1996. Društvo organizira u Hrvatskom centru svečani banket u povodu 67. obljetnice svoga postojanja, te cjelokupan doprinos šalju hrvatskim političkim zatvorenicima u Americi. Kroz cijelu ovu godinu članice svojim neumornim radom pomažu razne ustanove u domovini, koje uključuju crkve, karitase, ogranke “Hrvatske žene”, centre za djecu i mladež i mnoge druge. U mjesecu svibnju aktivnost je izražena i u organiziranju izložbe dječjih radova na temu “Djeca Rata – Children of War” koja je održana na DePaul University u Chicagu. U mjesecu listopadu održana je tradicionalna modna revija. Prihod s ovog skupa poslan je Domu Dubrava koji se brine za osposobljavanje djece i mladeži s tjelesnim oštećenjima (25, 000 dolara) te Hrvatskom Kulturnom centru – Vukovar u izgradnji (4,000 dolara).

Iste aktivnosti se nastavljaju i 1997. gdje posebice treba istaknuti 68. godišnji banket Društva s osobitim gostima čija nazočnost je uvelike doprinijela dostojanstvenom obilježavanju časne prošlosti “Hrvatske žene”. Među mnogima, spomenuti ćemo samo one iz domovine: sarajevski nadbiskup Vinko kardinal Puljić, gospođa Ljilja Vokić, ministrica Prosvjete i Športa države Hrvatske, pomoćnica ministrice Vlasta Sabljak i drugi. Iste godine u mjesecu lipnju, Društvo pomaže u organizaciji izložbe djela poznatog i priznatog umjetnika hrvatske naive, Ivana Lackovića Croate koja je održana u Hrvatskom etničkom institutu u Chicagu. Iste godine ponovno pomaže Hrvatsko američku udrugu ($1,000) želeći tako pridonijeti boljitku općeg hrvatskog ugleda u Americi.

Godine 1998. među brojnim i pohvalnim pothvatima valja istaknuti svijest i pomoć Sveučilištu u Mostaru (30,000 dolara), te suorganiziranje izložbe o kardinalu Stepincu u Hrvatskom etničkom institutu u Chicagu u povodu 100. obljetnice rođenja. Znajući kako je od osobite potrebe vrijedno brinuti se o Istini o povijesti našega naroda, hvale vrijedno je spomenuti da je Društvo u mjesecu siječnju ’98. pomoglo svojim prilogom u slanju knjige dr. Ante Čuvala “Historical Dictionary of Bosnia and Herzegovina” u knjižnice većih američkih sveučilista. Istog mjeseca Društvo se pridružuje mnogim hrvatskim organizacijama diljem Amerike u akciji “Prijatelji Vukovara” te za obnovu centra za hendikepiranu djecu u Vukovaru daruje 3,000 dolara. Društvo je 6. listopada 1998. u Hrvatskom kulturnom centru organiziralo i pomoglo potpisivanje knjige “Healing the Heart of Croatia – Liječenje srca Hrvatske” autora poznatog kirurga dr. Novika i svećenika Josepha Kerrigana. Dr. Novik je ugledni profesor kirurgije i pedijatrije na sveučilištu Tennessee u Memphisu i direktor međunarodne zaklade za liječenje srčanih mana u djece. Zajedno sa svećenikom Kerriganom iz Memphisa, dr. Novik je spasio mnogu djecu u Hrvatskoj s urođenim srčanim manama od sigurne smrti. Na 18. dan istog mjeseca održana je uspješna tradicionalna Modna revija čiji prihod od 7,000 dolara odlazi u gore spomenutu svrhu.

Početkom godine 1999.(6. veljače) održana je u Hrvatskom centru u Chicagu svečana proslava 70. obljetnice postojanja ovog Društva. Među brojnim uzvanicima, iz domovine dođoše predsjednica Hrvatske žene iz Zagreba, Dragica Pandek, njena zamjenica Zlata Horvatić i saborska zastupnica Gordana Turić. Događaj je svakako posebnim učinio dolazak dr. Williama Novicka, poznatog dječjeg kirurga sa sveučilišta Tennessee iz Memphisa. Cjelokupan profit s ove obljetnice poslan je u zagrebačku bolnicu Rebro za pomoć djeci sa srčanim manama te kupnju specijaliziranih monitora. Krajem ožujka iste godine članice prodaju maslinove grančice ispred hrvatskih crkava zarađujući novac za nadolazeće projekte. U jesen iste godine, Društvo organizira još jednu uspješnu modnu reviju u hotelu William Tell. Zarada od te manifestacije poslana je za kupnju inkubatora u dječjoj bolnici u Splitu. Osim humanitarnog rada, Društvo podupire kulturne djelatnosti te dovodi dvije glumice Helenu Buljan i Dubravku Miletić koje izvode komediju u dvorani sv. Jeronima u Chicagu.

Godine 1999. Društvo pomaže obitelj Combaj s jedanaestero djece iz zagrebačkih Sesveta. Društvo je kumovalo na krštenju 11. djeteta.

Novi zanos u novom stoljeću

Početkom novog milenijuma, 2000. Društvo dovodi u Chicago poznatog pjevača Dražena Žanka. Njegov koncert je održan 29. siječnja 2000. u dvorani sv. Jeronima, a prihod ponovno poslan za djecu u splitskoj bolnici. Tradicionalna modna revija ove godine bila je drugačija. Naime poznata modna kreatorka Gordana Radić došla je iz Hrvatske te zaista pokazala američkoj publici svoje kreacije i najnoviju modu na hrvatski način. Revija koja je održana 22. listopada u hotelu Holiday Inn bila je vrlo uspješna i zanimljiva. Pomoć dobivena od ovog događaja je poslana bolnici Mostar (za kupnju gastroskopa).

Godina 2001. počela je ponovno kulturnom promidžbom. Naime Društvo je pomoglo promociju knjige Julianne Bušić “Ljubavnici i luđaci” koja govori o životnom putu Juliane i Zvonka Bušića i njihovoj borbi za slobodnu Hrvatsku. U mjesecu travnju iste godine (4. travnja), Društvo Hrvatska žena ponovno nastavlja prekinutu tradiciju humanitarnih ručaka na Cvjetnicu. Prihod s ovog ručka otišao je siromašnim hrvatskim obiteljima u Kninu preko karitasa Sv. Ante. U jesen iste godine (21. listopada) nastavljena je tradicija modnih revija. Te godine bila je revija posebice financijski uspješna. Održana je po prvi put u Hrvatskom centru u Chicagu, a sav prihod je otišao za pomoć stradalima u terorističkom napadu na New York. Donacija je poslana preko katoličkog karitasa. U godini 2002. održana su dva velika događaja. Ručak na Cvjetnicu (24. ožujka) za pomoć Vukovaru bijaše izniman događaj. Gošća ove svečanosti bila je ugledna spisateljica iz Zagreba Maja Freundlich. Na jesen iste godine, 20. listopada održana je modna revija u Royalty West hotelu.

U godini 2003. ručak na Cvjetnicu i vrlo uspješna modna revija održani su u Hrvatskom Centru također za pomoć domovini. Na modnoj reviji je sudjelovalo preko 450 gostiju i bijaše to najuspješniji skup takve vrste.

Godina 2004. također je vrlo aktivna. Ručak na Cvjetnicu ponovno je okupio Hrvate Chicaga u velikom broju gdje su iskazali svoju nesebičnost. Krajem ljeta (12. rujna), Društvo je organiziralo svečani banket za pomoć hrvatskom užniku Anti Ljubasu koji je mjesec dana prije toga izišao iz američkih zatvora nakon više od 23. godine robije. Banket izuzetno dobro posjećen održan je u dvorani sv. Jeronima. Jesenska modna revija održana u Hrvatskom Centru 24. listopada bila je ujedno i pomoć Srednjoj Bosni. Naime, sav prihod s ovog događaja otišao je za izgradnju dječjeg doma u Kiseljaku koji s velikom ljubavlju vode sestre franjevke. Na ovom događaju se prvi put predstavio novi hrvatski veleposlanik u Washingtonu gospodin Neven Jurica.

Nemoguće je sve nabrojiti,ali ukratko bitno je spomenuti slijedeće. Samo u razdoblju od pet godina, Društvo Hrvatska žena je darovalo pomoć u iznosu od 235.000 dolara. Veliki je to novac! Posebice veliki kada znamo da je izravno poslan siromašnima, najpotrebnijima. Na tu činjenicu doista treba biti ponosan! Sve članice ovog Društva doista mogu biti ponosne na svoj vrlo kvalitetno i nesebično obavljen posao.

Osim ovog financijskog podatka kako je lijepo znati da u tom istom periodu Društvo je pomagalo tako mnogo projekata i siromaha. Vrijedno je spomenuti samo neke: Pomoć hrvatskim zatvorenicima, hrvatskim radio klubovima, hrvatsko-američkom udruženju, hrvatskim crkvama u Chicagu, izgradnji spomen obilježja u domovini, udruzi za hrvatske studije u Americi, dječjoj bolnici u Chicagu, mnogim siromašnim obiteljima u domovini, od Zagreba, Splita, do Jajca, Vukovara, itd. dječjim domovima, raznim karitativnim udrugama, kulturnim manifestacijama, nabavci medicinskih uređaja za bolnice u domovini (Zagreb, Split, Mostar…), hrvatskim studentima, tiskanju knjiga o Hrvatskoj, simpoziju o Vukovaru u Washigton, D.C., nabavci zemljišta za kuće siromašnih Hrvata u Kninu, obiteljima stradalih u New Yorku i mnogi drugi projekti koje je pojedinačno nemoguće i spomenuti.

U istoj godini na 27. dan mjeseca studenog 2004. održana je svečana proslava 75. obljetnice postojanja Društva. Svečani banket je održan u dvorani Sv. Jeronima., a glavni gost iz domovine bio je vukovarski gvardijan fra Zlatko Špehar. Sav prihod ovog skupa poslan je za pomoć vukovarskoj djeci. Također na skupu je bila nova konzulica hrvatske države gospođica Zorica Matković. Kustos Hrvatskih franjevaca fra Marko Puljić predvodio je molitvu, a bili su nazočni svi predstavnici hrvatskih župa. Za Božić iste godine poslana je pomoć obiteljima u potrebi: obitelj Domazet za izgradnju kuće (Muć), obitelji Ivana Čuvalo za pomoć liječenja bolesnog djeteta (Ljubuški), mnogobrojnoj obitelji Drage Radića ( Slavonski Brod). Ukupni darovi u godini 2004. Koji su poslani potrebnima bili su u iznosu od 62,780.00 dolara.

Godina 2005. nastavljena je istim zanosom i ljubavlju. Već početkom godine (6. ožujka 2005.), u dvorani Sv. Jeronima održan je dobrotvorni ručak za bivšeg hrvatskog užnika Ranka Primorca, a nekoliko tjedana kasnije tradicionalnim ručkom na Cvjetnicu (20. ožujka) pomoć je poslana bolnici u Mostaru za nabavku medicinskog automobila kao i za dječju bolnicu u Rijeci. Na 15. dan mjeseca svibnja, zajedno sa svim hrvatskim župama grada Chicaga, Društvo je organiziralo skup sjećanja u povodu 60. obljetnice Bleiburga i tragedije Križnog puta. Jesenska modna revija održana je u William Tell hotelu , a modni kreatori su stigli iz Hrvatske, boutique “Rafaela” dizajnerice Jadranke Šegota. Za zabavu se pobrinuo legendarni Kićo Slabinac i Trio Rio. Prihodi s ovog skupa išli su za pomoć žrtvama vremenske nepogode, haragana Katrina, te za nabavku medicinskog aparata za bolnicu na Hvaru. Ukupni darovi u godini 2005. koje je Društvo skupilo i poslalo iznosili su 52,000.00 dolara.

Prva polovica 2006. godine obilježila je pomoći za potrebnu djecu. Naime na Cvjetnicu (6. travnja 2006.) svečanim ručkom u Hrvatskom centru u Chicagu pomognuta su djeca u “Dječjem domu Egipat” u Sarajevu i dječjem vrtiću u Kiseljaku. U jesen iste godine organizirano je skupljanje pomoći za obitelj Migić koja se vratila u Hrvatsku. Modnom revijom održanom 22. listopada u Hrvatskom kulturnom centru, Chicago, uz hrvatske momke i djevojke iz naše zajednice kao manekeni, skupljena je pomoć za dvije bolnice: u Splitu i Osijeku. Ukupni darovi poslani u toj 2006. godini iznosili su 34,830.00 dolara.

Godina 2007. počela je obilježavanjem i sjećanjem ponovno na bleiburške događaje. Naime na Cvjetnicu 1. travnja 2007. godine u Hrvatskom kulturnom centru organizirano je skupljanje donacija za izgradnju sakralnog prostora na Bleiburgu. Odaziv ljudi naše hrvatske zajednice bio ja zaista fantastičan. Zajedno sa hrvatskim župama našeg grada bio je ovo događaj ponosa. U jesen te godine održana je tardicionalna modna revija u Ashton Place hotel. Po prvi put Društvo je predstavilo modu poznate trgovine “Lord &Tylor”. Prihod ove revije otišao je za pomoć Domu zdravlja u Slunju. Također je poslana donacija za kapelicu u Vukovaru, te je pomognuta obitelji Tomić s 11 djece iz Slavonskog Broda. Ukupni darovi te godine 2007. dosegli su fantastičnih 68,330.00 dolara.

U prošloj godini 2008. nastavljen je rad istim žarom.  16. ožujka 2008. u Hrvatskom kulturnom centru u Chicagu, svečanim ručkom na Cvjetnicu pružena je pomoć obiteljima u nevolji i potrebi, te je poslana pomoć Udruzi Specijalne policije iz Domovinskog rata “Tigar” u Gospiću. U jesen prošle godine, 19. listopada održana je Modna revija pod nazivom “Tradicijsko u suvremenom” u Holiday Inn North Shore u Skokie. Ovo je bila drugačija modna revija od svih dosadašnjih, a predstavili su je gosti iz Zagreba s voditeljem gosp. Josipom Forjanom iz “Posudionice i radionice narodnih nošnji” iz Zagreba. Njihov dolazak je sponsorirao grad Zagreb, uz pomoć pročelnika za kulturu Pavla Kalinića. Sve ovo svakako ne bi bilo moguće bez nezaobilazne potpore u ovom i svim događajima, hrvatske konzulice gospodične Zorice Matković. Prihodi su poslani staračkom domu “Sveti Josip Radnik” u Ljubuškom kojeg vode časne sestre, s prvotnom namjerom uvođenja grijanja koje do tada nije postojalo. Također je poslana pomoć dječjem vrtiću “Pčelice” u Livnu, te baki Elizabeti Lepinski koja vodi brigu o svojoj unuci Matei koja je ostala bez oba roditelja. Ukupni darovi u 2008. iznosili su 48,000.00 dolara.   Na samom kraju godine, u najhladniju nedjelju mjeseca prosinca u povijesti Chicaga, u organizaciji “Društva Hrvatska žena grana broj 1”, održan je svečani skup u čast izlaska na slobodu hrvatskog užnika Zvonka Bušića. Tako je s ovom godinom i ovim skupom završeno jedno poglavlje povijesti u kojem je ovo časno Društvo nesebično pomagalo hrvatske užnike.

Tako je Društvo samo u zadnje četiri godine skupilo i poslalo pomoć u iznosu od 266,000 dolara za potrebe potrebnih. Iako članice ovog Društva o ovome nikada ne govore, ali je vrijedno spomenuti upravo ovu količinu darova kojima je Društvo učinilo život lakšim mnogima koji pate.

Za razliku od mnogih koji se hvale dostignućima, ovo ponizno Društvo tiho radi i svojim radom čini veličanstvene stvari. Kao što je više nego očito, ovo izuzetno vrijedno Društvo hrvatskih žena grada Chicaga pisalo je povijest djelima dobra i srcem ljubavi. Njihova potpora svemu onome što u sebi nosi pečat hrvatskog, vrijednost ljudskog, cijenu povijesnog i veličinu kulturnog, vrijedna su časti i poštovanja. Dani truda i godine rada, njih evo 80, znak su da i u vrijeme hrvatskih tragedija i requiema, narodnih uspona i padova, hrvatska žena i majka, ma gdje god bila, uvijek je sačuvala srce ljubavi i oči pune nade. Za nadati se je da će mlade djevojke i supruge ugledati već sada ovu zvjezdanu stazu koja je i mukom i suzom i radosti i vjerom stvarana kroz gotovo cijelo dvadeseto stoljeće i tako tu dobrotu nastaviti i prenijeti u godine i desetljeća koje će biti onoliko lijepa, koliko mu oni podare ljubavi, vremena, smisla, vizije i vezova koji ponovno slažu raskidane niti vrijednosti u povijesnom mozaiku čije geslo jest: dobro je činiti dobro!

Fra Jozo Grbeš

U Chicagu, mjeseca siječnja, godine Gospodnje 2009.

1

A History of “Croatian Woman Branch # 1”, Chicago

1929-2009

Its Origin in the Homeland

Croatian Woman” was founded in 1921, in Zagreb, with a simple mission: Help Croatians who are in need and less fortunate. Its roots are directly tied to a movement that began in the Middle Ages but strengthened in the 19th Century, a movement toward goodwill and Christian charity. Croatia, much like the rest of the Western World, had a multitude of brotherhoods, fraternities, and Roman Catholic organizations focused on philanthropy and altruism spread throughout the country. After the First World War and the creation of Yugoslavia, many of the existing and newly founded organizations began to take on Croatian-nation-oriented agendas in a direct response to the installment of the pro Serbian government and its attempt to erase the national identity of the Croatian people. Similarly, women involved in Stjepan Radic’s political party founded “Croatian Heart” with the same goals in mind: Helping Croatians who were less fortunate while also preserving Croatian Catholic culture. In fact, “Croatian Heart” was the predecessor to the organization “Croatian Woman,” which was founded by Maria Kumicic. The first president to be chosen was Zora pl. Trnski, and her vice presidents were Ivka barunica Ozegovic and Maria Kumicic. Being the wives of famous writers and political figures in Croatia, these women’s distinguished last names already displayed the legitimacy of the organization and its ability to influence the community. Another display of the organization’s legitimacy was its instant proliferation throughout the country: Petrinje (July 1921), Osijek (July 1921), Pozega (July 1921), Karlovac (September 1921), followed in 1922 by Jastrebarsko, Sisak, Daruvar, Gospic, Vukovar, and many other cities.

From the start “Croatian Woman,” as an organization, was strongly built with a foundation based on clearly set goals in the cultural and humanitarian fields. Their goodwill was deeply imbedded, far-reaching, and felt by many throughout the world wherever Croatians live and people are in need. Their work is best exemplified and stated in the beginning of the organization’s bylaws, which were written by Slava Furst and Julka Patriarch, and which were chartered on May 21, 1921. The bylaws state: “The goal of the organization is to cultivate a social standard among Croatian women, which is conducive to the promotion of social, public, economic, moral and humanitarian health in both national and feminist fields.” In order to achieve this, the women divided the goals into separate categories and designated four separate branches: cultural, feminist, humanitarian, and social. Josipa Glembay wrote this song to illustrate their goals in Osijek in 1922.

Live work and suffer for your country

For Croatian unity is our only hope

The day is near when we will rejoice

Sing proudly in one voice:

Condemn evil, cherish freedom —

This is the motto of Croatian women.”

Their unconditional love for their people led them into many fields which brought them into conflict with the authorities. In the early 1920s, during the Serbian monarchy, the organization was banned because of “nationalistic and separatist activities.” Because of their participation in the celebration of the famous Croatian activists Dr. Ante Starcevic and Stjepan Radic, where over one thousand people gathered, the state prohibited the existence of “Croatian Woman” on June 12, 1922. In nearly the same week “Croatian Woman” in the city of Karlovac suffered the same fate. The prohibitions, however, were short lived. Even though the organization was punished and prohibited because of their love for their people and their country, they continued their work with a strong determination. Despite all of their hard work, the N.D.H. shut down all existing offices of “Croatian Woman” on May 5, 1943. Twenty two years of humanitarian, cultural, and patriotic work, which began on Patacickinova Street, would cease to exist.

Croatian Woman” in America

Only a few years after the foundation of “Croatian Woman” in Zagreb, its first branch would open in Chicago. It was the original idea of Agata Durak and her daughter Vilma Strunjak to start a woman’s organization in Chicago’s Croatian community. She brought this idea to the attention of Dominican Father Innocent Bojanic at Holy Trinity Croatian Parish in Chicago. With his support, “Croatian Woman, Branch No. 1 – Chicago” was founded on January 27, 1929. Soon the first meeting was called to order, with the following women present: Klara Skvorc (first president), Barbara Balija, Rosalija Kovacevic Kirin, Rosalija Sedar Vuksanovic, Frances Frkonja, Mary Karacic, Borislava Absac, Ruza Cesar and Magdalena Guldenpfening. From the beginning, the women decided that their main goals would be to help people on both the cultural and humanitarian levels while also displaying Croatian culture to the American people. Immediately, the group was active in creating exhibits throughout the greater Chicagoland area. The state of Illinois recognized the importance of the organization and granted them a legal charter within the year. Almost instantly twenty six other branches registered throughout the country.

During the Thirties and Forties, when war engulfed the entire world, “Croatian Woman” did all they could to help. In America and abroad, they worked with the Red Cross and local hospitals, sending packages to soldiers and medical aid to the wounded. They donated time and money to help their homeland, Croatia, and everyone who was suffering and in pain. After the war, when Croatian refugees were scattered all over Europe and South America, “Croatian Woman” did their best to accommodate their needs.

After the misfortunes of the war subsided, the organization returned to one of their original goals – promoting Croatian culture in America. In the Midwest, the organization showed great support for Duquesne University, one of the first universities to offer the Croatian language, Croatian folklore and Croatian music as part of their curriculum. Through this, “Croatian Woman” was able to help educate a new generation of Croatians born in America, who needed to combine the knowledge of two cultures. It was their goal to teach their children to be proud both of the United States of America and their Croatian heritage.

Even in the Fifties, Sixties and Seventies, when the homeland was isolated by the Iron Curtain of Communism, “Croatian Woman” found ways to send food, medicine and financial aid to the countless victims of flooding and earthquakes. Meanwhile, Croatian Catholic missionaries worked hard, combating misery and poverty, to spread the Christian Faith and love. “Croatian Woman” does all it can to support these missionaries and churches.

Activism Over the Last Fifteen Years

Over the last fifteen years “Croatian Woman, Branch No. 1” has been highly active in Chicago’s Croatian community. This not-for-profit organization’s social, humanitarian, cultural and educational services to this community are magnificent to say the least. It would be impossible to list everything that they have done for Croatia and its Chicago community, so we will attempt to share only a small portion with you.

In 1988, “Croatian Woman” helped Croatian writers and activists in Croatia and all over the world. Their aid toward humanitarian groups and their leaders is only a continuation of their traditional work since their foundation in 1921. Even when Communism’s grasp of the country was the strongest, the organization helped countless independent film producers and artists spread the truth about the Croatian tragedy in Yugoslavia. During this time they also helped Croatian prisoners in America and elsewhere with letters, petitions, and legal counsel.

In 1989, the organization celebrated its 60th anniversary and was honored to receive Dr. Ruzica Cavar from Croatia as the keynote speaker at their annual banquet. Dr. Cavar was a human rights activist with a background in medicine. Her speech directly challenged the women of Chicago to get more involved in the democratic process here and abroad. As a result, the organization expanded from one hundred to over two hundred members in the Chicagoland area. The year 1989 also marked the beginning of Croatia’s decision to secede from Yugoslavia. “Croatian Woman” was actively involved in materializing the age-old dream of a free Croatia. From the beginning, the organization raised funds to help Franjo Tudjman, the future president of Croatia, and other political activists despite knowledge that these figures were blacklisted by the Yugoslav government, which made any association life threatening.

In 1990, the organization strengthened its ties to the Croatian government and its Catholic Church on the road to freedom, independence, and a brighter future. While doing so, “Croatian Woman” never forgot about its obligations to the poor and sick. An example of this was when the organization gathered funds to help a group of blind children who needed expensive surgeries to see again. That summer the president of “Croatian Woman” in Chicago, Zlata Ivezic; secretary Milica Trutin; and treasurer Nevenka Jurkovic traveled to Zagreb to help set up the revival of “Croatian Woman” in its homeland. After forty-three years of absence due to its prohibition in 1943, the organization made its triumphant return to Zagreb with the establishment of its startup committee.

In the fall of that same year “Croatian Woman, Branch No. 1 – Chicago” hosted its first annual fashion show. The proceeds were immediately sent to Croatia. In October the president, Zlata Ivezic, traveled to Croatia to attend the first ever Assembly of Croatian Women in Zagreb. The trip was made special when Zlata Ivezic donated $2,000.00 in the name of “Croatian Woman, Branch No. 1 – Chicago” and returned the original flag and coat of arms, two historical artifacts which had been guarded in Chicago for over sixty years.

In the same year, the organization sent financial help to coal miners in Tuzla, and the Catholic charity Karitas in Zagreb. This is also the year when the board, together with all of its members, gathered to revise and create a new set of goals to take “Croatian Woman, Branch No. 1 – Chicago” into the future. This is a simplified version of their vision:

Gathering of humanitarian aid and preparing containers (40×10 feet) to be sent to Croatia.

Creating pamphlets, petitions, literature etc. for promotion of Croatian causes.

Organizing prayer services and vigils in the name of world peace.

Collecting donations.

Creating fund-raisers.

Organizing an annual fashion show.

Organizing bake sales.

Selling olive branches as a sign of peace.

In the spring of 1991, when Croatia was in the midst of the political, economic and regional crisis, the organization sent their first shipment of humanitarian aid, which would one day amount to over one hundred containers equaling more than $10 million in value.

During the same year, when everyone donated to the Croatian National Fund, “Croatian Woman” led the way by donating $15,000.00. They also sent $5,000.00 for medicinal needs and $10,000.00 to wounded soldiers in the escalating war.

As stated before, their activities were not only humanitarian. “Croatian Woman” also participated in, and organized many rallies and demonstrations in attempts to help win the battle for Croatia’s recognition. It is also important to acknowledge the local parishes and churches for their help and public approval and support during this time.

In 1992, Nevenka Jurkovic became president of “Croatian Woman, Branch No. 1 – Chicago.” Obligations and activities would also multiply due to the ever growing need for assistance in wartime Croatia. The organization helped Prof. P. Cohen published his book about the tragedies that had befallen the Jews in Serbia. They also purchased medical equipment and donated money to wounded soldiers and other victims of the war. Because of the growing need for financial aid, “Croatian Woman” found itself organizing at least one fund raiser/banquet per month. In March of 1992, proceeds went to Croatian war invalids. In April, proceeds went to Croatian orphanages throughout the country. Later, recognizing the hardships caused by the Serbian military in eastern Slavonia, the organization sent $4,500.00 to the besieged city of Osijek. At the end of the year, “Croatian Woman” co organized an event hosting as an honored guest the esteemed U.S. Senator Al D’Amato, at the Croatian Cultural Center in Chicago.

In 1993, information was released that the first Croatian embassy would open on American soil and the organization did their part to help fund it. In March, after receiving the horrendous news of massive destruction in the area of Karlovac, “Croatian Woman” donated $10,000 to its hospital. In June, a banquet for rape victims of war was organized with Jadranka Cigelj, herself a victim of the Serbian-run concentration camps. She was the main guest speaker. In the same month, president Nevenka Jurkovic and vice president Marica Tomacic traveled to Zagreb to attend the first “Croatian Congress of Croatian Woman” in Zagreb, while members at home conducted a simultaneous prayer vigil. This would prove to be the definitive moment in the revival of “Croatian Woman” as an international organization with its roots finally replanted in Croatian soil.

In a time when history seems to be written and choreographed by the media, members of “Croatian Woman”, knowing the importance of information, sent letters, factual documents, and financial donations to the Croatian Information Center in Zagreb.

In November they organized the arrival of the Croatian National Theatre, famous for their theatrical performances all over Europe. The organization also invited and brought to Chicago Kata Soljic, a mother who lost four sons to the war, as a guest speaker.

1994 would prove to be a very special year. Beginning with its anniversary on February 5, “Croatian Woman, Br. No. 1 Chicago” celebrated an astounding 65 years of existence. This special day began at the Croatian Ethnic Institute at 4851 S. Drexel Blvd., followed by Holy Mass at St. Jerome’s Church in Bridgeport. The celebration ended at St. Jerome’s banquet hall, where everyone was honored by the presence of these highly esteemed guests:

Dragica Pandek, President, “Croatian Woman, Zagreb”

Mario Nobilo, Croatian Ambassador, United Nations, N.Y.

Gordana Turic, Croatian Parliament representative, Zagreb

Anthony Petrusic, President, Croatian Catholic Union for the U.S. and Canada

Anthony Beric, President, Amcro, New York

Snjezana Franetovic “Croatian Woman, Branch #32 – Detroit”

Pola Maydak “Croatian Woman Branch #3 – Milwaukee”

Jasminka Corluka “Croatian Woman – Montreal”

Brother Regis and Sister Dora of the Salvatorian Mission House, New Holstein, Wisconsin

At this same event, “Croatian Woman, Br. #1 – Chicago” published and released its 65th Anniversary edition, which contained local advertisements and a brief but concise history of the organization. Also worthy of mention, are the publications for the Chicago branch’s 45th, 50th, 55th, and 60th years of existence.

At this time “Croatian Woman” joined the Croatian World Congress in meetings held in both Cleveland and Zagreb, and also the Croatian American Congress in Chicago. Together with the Croatian Catholic Union and the Croatian parishes of Chicago, they helped organize the “Action for Life” annual banquet and which sponsored orphaned children from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. They also organized the Croatian Art Exhibit in the Chicago State Building which became a yearly event.

In 1995, special guest Damir Plavsic, president of HVIDRA (students wounded in war), was present at the banquet held at the Croatian Cultural Center which raised $25,000.00 for the wounded Croatian students. In October, “Croatian Woman” had its yearly Fashion Show which was special this year due to the fact that models displayed Croatian ethnic costumes. The organization also raised $5,000.00 for the Franciscan monastery in Konavle, near Dubrovnik. They also donated $8,000.00 to the “Croatian American Association,” whose main function is to lobby for Croatian causes in Washington.

Many people need to be thanked for the success of “Croatian Woman”: From the countless volunteers like Milica Trutin and Nina Perovic who individually helped pack the containers, to the organizations like the Croatian Catholic Union and the Salvatorian Mission House in Wisconsin, and all of the Croatian Parishes in Chicago who actively participated in this project. In all one hundred containers filled with over $10 million worth of aid was sent to various cities in Croatia. These cities all confirmed arrival and expressed their appreciation: Zagreb, Rijeka, Mostar, Zadar, Sibenik, Vrlika, Ljubuski, Klostar Ivanic, Sinj, Osijek, Djakovo, Imotski, Karlovac, Vinkovci, Poljica kod Omisa, Sestanovci Katuni, Posusje, Split, Siroki Brijeg, Makarska, Dubrovnik, Slavonski Brod, Vrgorac, Tomislav Grad, Gabela Polje Metkovic, and Capljina, including different groups in Croatia, Bosnia and Hercegovina.

Croatian Woman” also gave a helping hand to social groups here in Chicago area, such as Mercy Home, Children’s Memorial Hospital, and Misercordia etc.

In 1996, “Croatian Woman” held their 67th anniversary banquet at the Croatian Cultural Center in Chicago, raising money for political prisoners and their families in the U.S. In May, they organized an emotionally touching exhibit at DePaul University which displayed the art work of children who had witnessed and survived the atrocities of the war against Croatia. That same year in October, their fashion show raised $25,000.00 for the Dubrava Center in Zagreb for handicapped children and young adults. They also raised $4,000.00 for the Croatian Cultural Center in Vukovar to help rebuild the devastated city.

In 1997, the annual banquet brought to Chicago special guests Cardinal Vinko Puljic, the archbishop of Sarajevo; Mrs. Ljilja Vokic, the Minister of Education and Sports in Croatia; and her assistant, Mrs. Vlasta Sabljak. In June, “Croatian Woman” helped to organize an art exhibit featuring the works of the famous naive artist Ivan Lackovic which were displayed in the halls of the Croatian Ethnic Institute in Chicago. They also gave another $1,000.00 to the Croatian American Association.

1998 proved to be another noteworthy year. Of the many actions taken, the most notable was the donation of $30,000.00 to the University of Mostar. They also co organized an exhibit honoring Cardinal Alojzija Stepinac on the 100th anniversary of his birth. They also helped sponsor a book by Dr. Ante Cuvalo titled The Historical Dictionary of Bosnia and Hecegovina, which was sent to the libraries of all major universities and many government officials. In January, “Croatian Woman” joined several other organizations in their support for “Friends of Vukovar” and donated $3,000.00 to help rebuild their center for handicapped children. In June, they organized the book signing of “Healing the Heart of Croatia.” Present at the Croatian Cultural Center were the authors – Fr. Joseph Kerrigan and world-renown pediatric heart surgeon Dr. William M. Novick. Dr. Novick is a professor at the University of Tennessee and also the medical director of the “International Children’s Heart Foundation.” Together with Fr. Kerrigan, a Catholic Priest at the Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception in Tennessee, the two traveled to Zagreb and saved the lives of countless children from certain death.

On February 6, 1999 the 70th anniversary celebration of this organization was held at the Croatian Cultural center. Among the many guests present at this event was the president of Croatian Woman in Zagreb, Mrs. Dragica Pandek, vice president Zlata Horvatic, and Croatian parliament representative Gordana Turic. The presence of Dr. William Novick, the well-known children’s heart surgeon from the University of Tennessee in Memphis was especially significant for this event. The profit from this anniversary celebration was sent to Rebro hospital in Zagreb to help children with heart defects and to purchase heart monitors. On Palm Sunday of the same year, the members sold olive branches in front of our Croatian churches to help raise funds for upcoming events. In the fall of the same year another successful fashion show was held at William Tell hotel. Funds raised from this event were used to purchase incubators for the children’s hospital in Split. Aside from humanitarian work, the organization supported cultural events, such as bringing two actors from Croatia, Helen Buljan and Dubravka Miletic, who put on a comedy at St. Jerome’s parish hall.

In 1999, Croatian Woman also helped the Combaj family by being Godparent to the family’s 11th child.

The new millennium began with a concert whose performer was Drazen Zanko, a well-known Croatian singer. His concert was held on January 29th at St. Jerome’s parish hall and funds raised from the concert were sent once again to the children’s hospital in Split. The traditional fashion show was different in 2000 because the fashions presented were by Gordana Radic, a well-known Croatian designer who came from Croatia to introduce her wonderful clothing line. The event was held on October 22nd at the Holiday Inn hotel and was quite successful. The proceeds from this event were sent to Mostar (to purchase gastroscopes).

2001 began with another cultural event. The organization assisted in promoting the book by Julianne Busic, “Lovers and Madmen,” which tells the life story of Julianne and Zvonko Busic and their fight for a free Croatia. On April 4th of the same year, the traditional Palm Sunday luncheon was held. Proceeds were sent to Croatian families in Knin through St. Anthony’s charity. On October 21st of the same year, the annual fashion show was held and it was especially successful. It was held at the Croatian Cultual Center for the first time and all proceeds were sent to help the families of the victims of the September 11 tragedy in New York. The donation was sent through the Catholic charities.

In 2002 two very big events took place, the first was the Palm Sunday luncheon on March 24th. Proceeds from this event were sent to assist the city of Vukovar. The honored guest for this event was Maja Freundlich from Zagreb, who is a well-known writer. The other big event to take place was the annual fashion show on October 20th, which was held at Royalty West Hotel.

In 2003, the Palm Sunday luncheon and very successful fashion show were held at the Croatian Cultural Center. Proceeds from these events were sent to Croatia. Over 450 guests attended the fashion show, that being the biggest and most successful show.

The year 2004 was busy with several activities. The Palm Sunday luncheon gathered Chicago Croatians who once again showed their generosity to those in need. And on September 12th, the organization held a banquet to assist Ante Ljubas, who was released from prison after 23 years. The banquet was held at St. Jerome’s parish hall and many guests were present. The fall fashion show was held at the Croatian Cultural Center on October 24th and the proceeds were sent to Kiseljak to assist in building a day-care center, run by Franciscan sisters. Neven Jurica, the ambassador from Croatia, came from Washington D.C. to attend this event.

In the five years before it turned 75, “Croatian Women” demonstrated great vitality, as a summary of some of its accomplishments shows: assisting Croatian prisoners, radio clubs, the Croatian American Association, the Croatian parishes in Chicago, organizations for Croatian studies in America, a children’s hospital in Chicago, many families in need in Zagreb, Split, Jajce, Vukovar, etc., day-care centers, charities, cultural performances, building of memorials in Croatia, purchasing of medical equipment for hospitals in Zagreb, Split and Mostar, helping poor Croatian students, printing a book about Croatia, supporting a symposium about Vukovar in Washington D.C., purchasing property for Croatian refugees in Knin, helping families of the 9/11 tragedy in New York, and many other projects which are too many to list.

November 27, 2004, a grand celebration of the 75th anniversary of the organization’s existence was held in St. Jerome’s parish hall, featuring the main guest, Fr. Zlatko Spehar, the Franciscan Superior from Vukovar. All of the proceeds from this event went to help the children of Vukovar. The newly appointed Consul to Chicago of the Republic of Croatia, Ms. Zorica Matkovic, was also a guest. Fr. Marko Puljic, Custos of the Croatian Franciscans, led the prayers. Representatives from all of the Croatian parishes were in attendance. For Christmas of that year, help was sent to families in need: the Domazet family, to build a house (Muc); the Ivan Cuvalo family, for medical help for their child (Ljubuski); the many members of the Drago Radica family (Slavonski Brod). Donations collected in 2004 and sent to the needy were in the amount of $62,780.00.

The year 2005 saw the continuation of the same love and enthusiasm. Early in the year, on March 5, a benefit luncheon was held at St. Jerome Parish for former Croatian prisoner Ranko Primorac. A few weeks later the traditional philanthropic luncheon on Palm Sunday, March 20, took place for the benefit of a Mostar hospital’s purchase of an ambulance, as well as for the children’s hospital in Rijeka. On May 15, together with all of Chicago’s Croatian parishes, the society organized a memorial gathering in observance of the 60th anniversary of Bleiburg and the tragedy of the “Krizni Put” (the way of the cross traveled by Croatians tortured by the Partizans). The fall fashion show was held at the William Tell Hotel, with fashion creators from Croatia, featuring Jadranka Segota, a designer from boutique “Rafaela.” The entertainment was provided by the legendary Kico Slabinac and Trio Rio. Revenue from this event went to help victims of Hurricane Katrina, and to the hospital in Hvar for the purchase of medical equipment. The total amount raised by the society in 2005 and given to charitable causes was $52,000.00.

The first half of 2006 was dedicated to helping needy children. Namely, on Palm Sunday, April 6, the annual benefit luncheon held at the Croatian Cultural Center in Chicago, helped two children’s centers: “Egipat Children’s Home” in Sarajevo, and the pre-school in Kiseljak. In fall of this year a collection was taken to help the Migic family, who returned to Croatia. The annual fashion show was held on October 22, at the Croatian Cultural Center in Chicago, featuring young people from our community as models. The proceeds from this event were sent to a hospital in Split and one in Osijek. Money raised during the year totaled $34,830.00.

The year 2007 began by marking and recalling once again the events at Bleiburg. At the annual Palm Sunday luncheon on April 1, the society organized a collection of donations to establish a sacred space at Bleiburg. The response of the Croatian people of our community was truly fantastic. This was a proud occasion for the Croatian community of our city. The yearly fall fashion show was held at Ashton Place Hotel. For the first time, the society presented fashions from the famous Lord & Taylor store. Proceeds from this event went to help the health center in Slunj. A donation was also sent to the chapel in Vukovar, and to the Tomic family of 11 children in Slavonski Brod. Total funds raised during this year reached the fantastic sum of $68,330.00.

Last year, 2008, the work of the society continued with the same zeal. The traditional Palm Sunday luncheon, held at the Croatian Cultural Center in Chicago, provided help to families in trouble and need by sending the money raised by the event to a special police association in Gospic. In the fall, the annual fashion show took place on October 19, at the Holiday Inn North Shore in Skokie under the title of “Traditional in Contemporary.” This one was different from all preceding fashion shows. It was presented by guests from Zagreb lead by Mr. Josip Forjan of the Zagreb shop for renting and making national costumes. The guests were sponsored by the city of Zagreb with the help of the Director of Culture, Pavle Kalinic. All of this, however, would not have been possible without the indispensable help of the Croatian Consul, Zorica Matkovic. Funds raised by this event were sent to St. Joseph the Worker home for the elderly in Ljubuski, an institution run by nuns. The primary purpose of this charitable donation was to install a heating system, something the home has never had. Funds also went to the preschool “Pcelice” in Livno, and to Elizabet Lepinski, a grandmother caring for her orphaned grandchild. Funds raised this year totaled $48,000.00. At the end of this year, on the coldest December Sunday in the history of Chicago, the “Croatian Woman, Branch #1” organization sponsored a special gathering in honor of the release of Croatian prisoner Zvonko Busic. This occasion marked the end of the year and the end of another chapter in the history of this noble organization that so unselfishly came to the aid of a Croatian prisoner.

In the last 4 years alone, this society raised funds and sent help in the amount of $266,000.00 to the needy. Although the members of this group never speak about this accomplishment, it is nonetheless worth mentioning the amount of donations that enabled the organization to make easier the lives of many who suffer.

It is apparent that this exceptionally worthy organization of Croatian women in Chicago bravely wrote their own history through volunteer actions and heart-felt love. Their support for all things related to love, humanity, culture, and the Croatian identity must be recognized and honored. These past times of hardship and years of labor are testament to the fact that through times of Croatian tragedy and persecution, Croatian women and mothers, wherever they might be, will always keep their hearts full of love and their eyes full of hope. Hopefully young women and wives, here in America and in Croatia, will recognize the importance of what their mothers and grandmothers established through blood, sweat and tears over many decades of work, and realize that the 21st Century will only be as beautiful and rewarding through the same volunteer labor and heart-felt love, which is exemplified in the Croatian Woman’s motto, “It is good to do good.”

Fr. Jozo Grbes


The Martyrdom of Croatia

The Martyrdom of Croatia

By C. Battorich

East-European Problems, No. 7., London: Low, W. Dawson & Sons; New York: Steiger & Comp.; Budapest: Ferdinand Pfeifer (Zeidler Brothers), 1920 (7 pages)

Up to the present the Serbs have succeeded in hushing up the fact before the great Western Powers that, owing to the decision of the Entente who made themselves the advocate of the smaller nations’ rights, quite a number of these nations in the Balkans and the adjoining territories have been delivered to the ruthless incapacity of Serbian imperialism, deprived of their fundamental rights, and filled with exasperation in consequences. The Bulgarians, Hungarians, Croats and Slovenes, Albanians and Montenegrians have been made the object of inhuman sufferings and oppressions, and the still outstanding peace threatens them with complete ruin.

The Now broken up Habsburg Monarchy and ill-fated Hungary have managed Croatia’s affairs for decades in such a manner that the Croatian nation in autumn 1918, confiding in the wisdom of the great Western Powers, put up with the then state of affairs, though not without regret at the detachment from the fellow-sufferer in many years’ struggles and alarm at the attitude of its Balkan neighbour. Yet individual opinion remained silent and the whole of the nation followed those that had taken the lead in this critical hour. Disappointed in its old friends, it forgot the bitterness of thirteen centuries and with brotherly sentiments turned towards the Serbs, in anticipation of but the best and noblest treatment from the people, the worthy ally of the great French, Italian and English nations.

The entering Serbian army very quickly enlightened the Croats as to their error; they had thrown open the doors of hitherto unvanquished Zagreb not to a well-disposed friend, but to the harsh conqueror of the Balkans. While the members of the National Council, who thought themselves in possession of supreme power, held conferences and took counsel as to the measures to be adopted, the Serbian sheriff installed himself in his office and let everybody know , in a Balkan fashion, that it was his authority people had to reckon with.

The history of the 38 days in which the territory of the former Monarchy was reshaped reads like a fascinating story. Yougoslavia came into being at Zagreb, on paper at least, as an independent state. Proud Zagreb, the capital of a small country restricted in its national life hitherto, at once became the centre of a 7-8 million state, furnished with all the attributes of a worthy representative of the nation’s life. True, that state of things was but a temporary one; yet appearances bespoke of all conditions for the future evolution being dependent on the Croatian nation which was to take the lead in the new state to be organized, since the country under Zagreb’s imperium was the foremost as to size, numbers of inhabitants, economic conditions and progress in civilization.

At the beginning of November, Korosec, the President of the National Council, entered an agreement with the Serbian Premier Pašić, in which he stipulated that until the formation of the Constituent Assembly the National Council would exercise supreme power in Yougoslavia, and that it were the Constituent’s task to decide on the form of government. With this Covenant signed on 9th November at Génève the culminating point of the 33 days state’s history was attained; what follows is the story of its decline. In the middle of November Pašić rendered invalid the agreement and the beginning of December found the Serbian Regent Alexander proclaiming the constitution of the kingdom SHS. Thus the sovereignty promised in conjunction with provincial autonomy was rendered a scrap of paper.

November was the month of disillusion for the Croats. The mean behaviour of the entering Serbian troops, bearing the banner of the Karagyorgyevics, soon succeeded in alienating the whole of the population and engendered a keen republican movement among the Croatian nation hitherto qite averse to republican sentiments. The exclusively Croatian parties in particular assumed a decidedly republican attitude: the peasants’ party, the legality party, the Starcević and progressive parties. Disgusted with the deeds of the Serbian royal army, they thought the interests of the Croatian nation better safeguarded by a Yugoslav Republic. As a matter of course, the Serbs were ill pleased with this republican movement and soon arrested its leader Stephen Radić and some of his followers, prohibiting all newspapers of republican tendencies. The Starcević and progressive parties, in response to the manifesto issued in December, ceased their republican agitation, while the peasants’ and legality parties are to this day the object of violent persecution.

At Christmas a common cabinet came into being after long and often seemingly fruitless negotiations, in which the Croatian parties with the exception of those considered illoyal found due representation. Svetozar Pribicević, the Croatian Serb notorious for his hate of the Croats, became Minister of Home Affairs and hastened to inaugurate an outspoken anti-Croatian policy on the whole line. Even the unabashed Mihalovich, renowned for the unprecedented corruption of his régime and his servility to public opinion, did not appear sufficiently trustworthy to him, for which reason he made him retire and appointed Polaćek of Czech-Serbian descendance Bánus for Croatia. This appointment was a flagrant breach of the December agreement since it had happened without consulting the Croatian Diet and thus neither Polaćek nor his successor Tomljenovic could make his appearance before this body, as customary in compliance with the tradition of many centuries. With this act the Croatian autonomy had de facto ceased to exist. The Hungarians had not ventured on such a course of action even at the time of the most embittered struggles. Polaćek as well as Tomljenović were regarded as plain officials by the Home Minister. They were deprived of every attribute indicative of the Banus’ political significance. Under Hungary’s rule, the Banus had been the third of the country’s standard-bearers, inferior in rank but to the Archbishop and Governor. In Hungary the Banus was dependent on the Premier only, the result of the “liberation” to-day is displayed in the highest Croatian civil office having lost all significance and the Banus being exposed to dismissal at the Home Minister’s pleasure.

In March 1919 the common government assembled the common Parliament at Belgrade. But we must not imagine this Parliament to have been formed on the basis of general elections. The Serbian Scupstina selected the members of the Parliament from its own ranks or simply appointed them like in Macedonia and Montenegro; in other parts of the country they were nominated by the political groups or parties according to a certain scheme they had agreed on. Needless to state that neither the legality party, not the peasants or the Magyar-phile unionists obtained any seats.

Yougoslavia is an artificial creation to such a degree that even this assembly which came into being in compliance with the government’s wishes did not prove capable of work. The Parliament, during its half year’s existence, did not read a single bill. The racial, cultural and religious antagonism occasionally caused outbursts of such violence that an ad hoc majority was unattainable. One crisis followed the other and gradually every Croatian and Slovene party fell off, and so did the founders of Serbia’s greatness, the radicals. The minority party, the so-called democrats, whose leader was Pribicević, remained in power. This party is governin for about half a year now, without any parliamentary control, and endeavours to suppress the excitement spreading throughout the country by means of corruption and party-terror.

It is easy enough to imagine what was Croatia’s fate under Mr. Pribicević’ absolutism. Zagreb soon sank to the rank of a mere provincial town. The mother-country’s union with the neighbouring Croatian lands (Bosnia, Dalmatia), on the way of realisation under the Habsburgs’ hegemony and warranted by a Hungarian Law, was defeated and the integrity of old Croatian’s territory threatened. The county of Szerém, one of Croatia’s most fertile districts, was treated as integral part of Serbia. To economically subdue the Croatian nation, the crown was artificially depreciated, fell below the worth of a dinar, and finally was declared to represent a quarter of a dinar in spite of its intrinsic value being the same. Under the title of land-reform they robbed the middle-sized estates from the landowners who had always most devoutly promoted the national idea. With the introduction of a government anti-denominational system they offended the Catholicism inherent in the Croatian race. To deprive it of one of its main sources of strength which Catholicism had always afforded it and to which it was bound by a thousand memories of its past, the Serbs started a movement aiming at the unification of the Catholic and Orthodox Church with the aid of the state’s subsidies. The sons of the Croatian nation in the officials’ staff were supplanted by Serbs, the Croatian recruits were dragged to Albania and Macedonia and Croatia invaded by semi-savages from the remotest parts of the Balkans. With their aid a regime of terror was established. Who dared resist, was thrown into dungeon. Even the leaders of the movement for improving the payment of the Croatian officials’ staff were detained. They are still imprisoned and unable to obtain adequate defence. Radić, the peasant leader, has suffered confinement for nine months already, having been tried now only; on the other hand the Bolshevist agitators are at liberty to follow their vocation.

It is the obvious aim of Pribicević to materially and morally reduce the Croatian nation to such an extent as to render it as easy pray to Serbian appetites. It had already suffered oppression on the hands of Austrian emperors, had been hampered in its evolution by the Magyars; but neither had made its national annihilation their overt object; that was reserved to its present “liberators”.

We cannot forbear asking in how far do these facts agree with the noble principles proclaimed by the Entente Powers? Will the great Western nations not stop to consider that in default of the realization of their avowed principles, the countries of the former Monarchy and the Balkans will have to look another way for the guidance they absolutely depend on in their present state of upheaval?

We Croats, address our plea to all Europe in the name of the people suffering oppression: do not deliver us to the Moloch of Serbian imperialism. The Thirteen centuries that we have spent uninterruptedly in the defence of Western civilization against the encroachments of Byzantium and Asia justify us in calling attention to the tragic fate of our nation. We do not ask for any particular favour, but for justice. Let the Entente order the plebiscite to take place, in the absence of Serbian troops, and every Croat will accept the result. The self-determination of the peoples remains an empty phrase if they are not consulted as to their fate; yet we have never been questioned on this all-important issue.

Let Europe know that neither we nor the Hungarians and Bulgarians, nor the other nations under oppression will ever content themselves with this their lot. If Europe will not afford them justice, they are determined either to achieve the recognition of their rights or to perish to the last man. Whether this our struggle for freedom will not inflame all Europe again, whether the new world to arise will not bereave the Entente Powers of their conquest’s harvest, we leave to the insight of Western public opinion to ponder on.

Croatia Today – An Overview From a Distance

Ante Cuvalo
American Croatian Review, Year IV, No. 3 and 4, October 1997, pp. 5-8.
In Slavic mythology Svevid is a god with three faces. He sees everything: past, present, and future. But we mortals tend to forget the past, have difficulty perceiving the present, and have proven to be less than accurate prognosticators of the future. We have so many objective and subjective limitations that even the brightest among us seem half-blind. Yet, for all that, we must make an effort to see “the big picture” in order to have some sense of direction in our lives and in history.
Looking back, we can say that this century has proven to be one of the most tragic and also most exhilarating periods of history. We have passed through two ghastly world wars, the rise and fall of two totalitarian ideologies, the transformation of a world dominated by a few imperial powers to a world of close to 200 independent countries, globalization of economy, information revolution, a shift from a multi-polar to a bi-polar world, and, finally, to Pax Americana. These are just a few of the common experiences of our times. At the same time, we are not only living at the end of the century but also on the eve of a new millennium, which prompts us to scan the present world situation in order to, in the light of the past, detect signs and portents of the new era that began with the collapse of the Soviet bloc and communist ideology.
Countries and societies that emerged from under the rubble of communist totalitarianism are in a unique predicament because they have the extraordinary challenge of transforming themselves if they wish to become part of the (hopefully better) world of tomorrow. For them, the end of the 20th century has been not only dramatic, exhilarating, and challenging, but for some (Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, for example) it has also been a bitter-sweet, nerve-wracking, and bloody. All of these changing societies find themselves at the crucial juncture from which they will have to climb a slippery slope in order to become an integral part of a democratic and free world.
Freedom is both the most important legacy and the most challenging aspect of western civilization. Other mass civilizations have passed through periods of great achievements and have contributed to the development of human progress but none has embraced the ideals of freedom as our civilization has. The core principle of our freedom is supremacy of the law over everyone, especially over those in power. To embrace and implement this essential ideal of freedom will be the most arduous to the peoples and societies that have emerged from under the colonial type of communism practiced in the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia.
Our focus here will be on Croatia, hoping that our observations from a distance will contribute to a better understanding of this old European nation that is now a newly independent country.
It Takes More Than Independence
Croatia has passed through a very challenging history largely for being located where old empires, three leading civilizations (Latin, Byzantine, and Islamic), and big powers have competed and still compete. By some remarkable resilience, however, Croatia and the Croatians have not only survived all the invasions, empires, oppressors, and ideologies, but have finally gained their freedom from the latest oppressor and have become active participants on the world stage. Their fate is now in their hands and they themselves are the most important factor in shaping their own future. Securing national independence, however, is only the beginning. There are many momentous difficulties they have to face and hopefully overcome if they wish to catch up with the present day Western norms of democracy and freedom. Here are a few of the predicaments they must resolve.
Temptations are too strong to slip into the practices of the recent past when the communist party was above the law. Most of the former nomenklatura is back in power. For a short period after the collapse of the old system, there was some hesitation and doubt on the part of many from the former state and party structures to embrace the new course. Some of them did sense the wind direction and have surfed the big wave; some were apprehensive about their own future; and others, especially from the media, even joined anti-Croatian propaganda sponsored by those who wanted to preserve Yugoslavia in whatever form possible. But, by now, practically the entire former elite is back in full force; and not only back on the new ship, but they are in control of the most important leverages of power in the state. Although they claim to be new-born democrats, it is very doubtful that they are eager to embrace the ideals of democracy.
During the entire Yugoslav period (1918-1990), the Croatian political elite (bourgeoisie and socialist-communist) always found itself outmaneuvered by their Serbian counterparts, commonly known as Belgrade Carsija. Now that the Croatian elite (former socialist or nationalist) finds itself fully in charge of national affairs and no longer in the unwilling or willing service of others, a strong temptation exists to grab too much “freedom” for itself and even assume a messianic role at the expense of the rest of the population. Getting hold of state control after a long period of suppression may easily lead to abuse of power. Therefore those who have assumed responsibility for the fate of the nation must exercise care to use power as an instrument for the common good and not for self-serving ends.
Unfortunately, many enter politics or the ever-expanding state bureaucracy not to serve the nation but to find the shortest and easiest road to material gains and self-aggrandizement. Yesterday’s paupers who entered through the right political door have become instant local barons. In all societies the rich tend to have close ties with the political power centers, but in Croatia and other post-communist democracies the tendency is to translate political power into quick economic gains and high social status. To serve the nation is not as important as willingness to play the game. One is reminded here of the ancient Greek playwright Aristophanes’ (448?-380? B.C.) depiction of people who tend to enter politics. The following is the scene where the general, Demosthenes, is tempting a sausage seller to depose the democratic leader, Cleon:
Sausage seller: Tell me this, how can I, a sausage seller, be a big man like that?
Demosthenes: The easiest thing in the world. You’ve got all the qualifications: low birth, marketplace training, insolence.
Sausage seller: I don’t think I deserve it!
Demosthenes: Not deserve it? It looks to me as if you’ve got too good a conscience. Was your father a gentleman?
Sausage seller: By the gods, no! My folks were scoundrels.
Demosthenes: Lucky man! What a good start you’ve got for public life.
Sausage seller: But I can hardly read!
Demosthenes: The only trouble is that you know anything. To be a leader of the people isn’t for learned men, or honest men, but for the ignorant and vile. Don’t miss this golden opportunity.
If this is a stereotype of a politician not only in the ancient Athens but in all societies, then it is even more so for those who suddenly find themselves in transition from captivity and totalitarianism to democracy.
During the Habsburg period, in Croatia and other parts of the empire the system operated within a well developed sense of legality, although certain powerful officials often bent and abused the law. Nonetheless, there was a sense of order and justice (though unequal), and Croatians were part of that political framework and tradition for a long time. Difficulties compounded rapidly when Croatians found themselves in a newly formed South Slavic state (1918) in which the dominant Serbs implemented the Ottoman-cum-Russian tradition of governing. Corruption became the core of the state system and not an anomaly. Belonging to the right nationality, the right party, the right political circle, and having good family connections were all symbolized in the single word veza (connection) that permeated the entire state structure. There was, for example, even a “professional class” of people waiting daily in the corridors of government offices in Belgrade to sell their veza services.
During the socialist era, after an early revolutionary enthusiasm, such corrupt practices became an integral part of a consumer-driven socialist elite whose only goal was enrichment and protection of its power status that guaranteed all possible privileges. These experiences have left a strong mark on Croatian society as a whole, especially on the aspiring elite. Furthermore, living in a country they did not consider their own, ruled by a people more backward than themselves, and oppressed by an ideology that was alien to their tradition, the Croatians developed a strong cynicism toward government, state institutions, and even the state itself. The sense of civic duty faded away. Instead, the main challenge became how to beat the system and those who sustained it at their own game.
Most people find ways to adjust to the situations they live in, no matter how appalling that might be. They learn how to play the game no matter what the political order or ideological climate. But the effect of seventy more years under a corrupt system is that people begin to accept political deviations as normal, as part of life, and they tend to join the game either in order to survive or to move up on the social ladder. Besides, there is a primordial urge in our human nature to surrender freedom in return for the false sense of security provided by the famous three fundamental temptations: bread, authority, and spectacles. Fear of freedom and of its dreadful demands is often stronger than the desire to be free. It is often easier to live under an astrological-like fate than with the burdensome daily responsibilities and uncertainties of freedom and democracy.
People in Croatia are still exhilarated by their recent achievement of freedom, but it is also evident that there is a lack of understanding of what to do with that newly found liberty, what pitfalls to avoid in order not to give it up, and, ultimately, there is a lack of readiness to accept the responsibilities of genuine freedom. Those in power take full credit for Croatia’s independence and expect the people to reward them with unquestionable trust and complete authority. But legitimate and positive authority must have its roots deep in genuine freedom and not in the lack of it. Once freedom becomes dependent on authority, society is on the road to servitude. This is why everyone, especially those in evolving democracies must remove themselves from any state of idleness and cynicism if they are not to become passive crowds, faceless masses without purpose, worshipers of false gods and believers in half-truths, straw heads who cannot think but must be manipulated. People have to be skeptical of those in power, whatever that power might be. Truly free humans never surrender blindly to any party, any ideology, or any force that tries to control or manipulate them, including the news media, which quite often is just another modern abuser of power and a peddler of social tranquilizers. Critical thinking and sound and consistent scepticism are cornerstones upon which our individual and common freedoms stand. That is why the ideals of freedom and the responsibilities that come with it have to be cultivated, nurtured, and constantly guarded in every society, but especially among those who have just emerged from a totalitarian regime.
Croatia has a long tradition of parliamentary politics. Since the middle ages, the Sabor (parliament) among the Croatians has been a bastion of national rights and freedoms. However, not only the power but even the symbolism of the Sabor has diminished since 1918, and the ruling elite today is not eager to restore the role of the Sabor to its rightful place. In Croatia, as in other post-communist countries, there is a multi-party parliamentary system: party-hopping and shopping, and party-multiplying is a common practice. Political competition is more a clash of personalities and petty interests than of solid political programs. Those who feel important or are frustrated for not getting what they “deserve” want to have political followings in order to become “somebodies.” Such characters want to make sure that their presence in the country is felt in one way or another. Furthermore, leaders of all political parties and factions take themselves too seriously, their egos are instantly inflated, and they become strangers even to their own former friends. Such superegos hinder the formation of stable coalitions and partnerships in building a better future.
After living under a communist regime for five decades, it seems as if people have forgotten how to organize themselves into various types of civic groups that would sprout and grow from the bottom up. There is not only a subconscious fear of undertaking such activities but an obvious lack of experience on the part of those who are most needed to do so. On the other hand, the ruling party and state institutions have a tendency to co-opt anyone and every independent group in any way they can. Furthermore, the ruling bureaucracy rarely makes a distinction between potential enemies of the nation and the opponents to their own power, instead, in the good old socialist tradition, they try to have everyone and everything somehow connected to them, and, therefore, under their sway. In the same pre-independence tradition, an enemy is needed, whether real or imaginary, so that those in power can prove to the masses that they are worthy guardians of the nation. In their eyes all of this is a fair game, both legal and good for the country, because it serves their purpose.
Croatians as a people have a strong tradition of hard work, frugality, and self-improvement. Today there are significant hurdles to be removed or jumped over in this regard. Business ethics, employers’ relations with employees, and socialist work ethics combined with capitalist consumerism have been carried over from the communist era. The sons and daughters of the former or present elite have secured or are securing their economic, social, and political future without working or hardly working. Also, thousands of Croatians have been working in western Europe for decades. They have saved and improved their own lives and that of their children. In many cases, however, their children who remained at home and grew up (usually) with grandparents learned how to live an easy life. Thus, the money earned in the West ultimately became a destructive social factor.
There is also a tradition in that part of the world according to which anyone who received even a secondary education deserves something better than a manual job. Although such people might come from villages, it is below their social expectations to work on the family farm or in some other “dirty” employment. The practice of moving to the urban areas and the swelling of state bureaucracy by unnecessary and unprofessional workers continues. The above mentioned and other similar elements have high social and economic expectations, they are excellent consumers but lousy producers, and they easily become fertile ground for social, economic, and political anomalies.
The gap between rich and poor is growing and growing fast. Many of those who are getting richer are becoming so not because of their hard work but because of their political positions and/or good connections. The very important process of privatization of post-World War II nationalized property is taking place. The beneficiaries of nationalization, however, are mainly those who control political power. One should not be surprised that former communists quickly learned the harsh theory of trickle-down capitalism because they had long practiced trickle-down socialism. On the other hand, former nationalists are justifying their accumulation of national wealth by the logic, better “we” than “they.” In economic terms, the beneficiaries of privatization justify their “successes” by arguing that it is good for the entire nation if a few big capitalists emerge in the country because they will become the backbone of future economic growth and provide spin-off opportunities for others. But this type of thinking and action will lead to the disappearance of the present and potential middle class, and the number of the have-nots in the country will steadily grow.
Finally, besides the foregoing as well as other social and historical problems, one should not forget human nature. Both those who blame the past, society, and institutions for all our ills and utopians who think that we can eradicate evil and come to full realization of good are not helping us much in confronting reality. The bifurcation of good and evil, with all its consequences, is at the very core of our humanness. Selfishness, greed, quest for power, drive to kill and to be killed, to love and to be loved, to live and to let live is in all of us regardless of race, nationality, gender, ideology, profession or anything else. These basic human tendencies and issues are to be faced in every society especially where they had been suppressed for long periods of time and, in the Croatian case, where above all else the recent war devastations and traumas are still very fresh. It is precisely here, on the personal level, where the foundations for new and, hopefully, better beginning must by laid.
Need for A Second Revolution
In this century, we have witnessed the collapse of empires and the birth of many independent countries. In very few of them, however, has democracy taken hold. There are many reasons, internal and external, for such a situation, but the most important one is that those societies have failed to transform themselves by undergoing a second revolution. Once independence is secured, a self-imposed peaceful and painful change must take place at all levels of society. Democracy and all it implies cannot be imported, simply imitated, or bought. It has to be learned, nourished, watched over, practiced, and its implementation should not be postponed for “better times.” This type of social, mental, and even spiritual revolution is often harder than the struggle for independence.
Croatia and the Croatians are at the beginning of a new and important era. The country and the people have been tossed about and therefore out of natural “balance” for a long time, and now are in the process of finding their own political, social, economic, and cultural equilibrium. An important question is, however, who and what forces will spearhead this very arduous and long process? At the moment there isn’t a strong visible group(s) that can be identified as the engine(s) of positive change.
The old institutions, from the Academy of Arts and universities to the Catholic Church, need to adjust to the new situation and to rejuvenate themselves if they are to be effective in the future. The quicker these and other institutions face reality and reform themselves the sooner they can become a force for change on the national level. But it seems they are still in the stage of waiting and reassessing their own internal situations.
The ruling party has slipped into some of the old pre-independence political practices. Both its former socialist and nationalist factions are too much preoccupied with self-preservation and maintenance of their hold on power. The former have neither legitimacy nor moral strength to lead a genuine national and social rebirth. The latter have greatly compromised themselves because they have caved in too easily to the temptations of power. Many of them have cashed in their ideals of freedom and patriotism. The opposition, on the other hand, is weak and it is led by people who can not find their way out of the pits of their own making. This spring’s national elections, in which the opposition clearly lost and the ruling party did not really win, should be a lesson for both those in power and those in the opposition. If in a newly independent country, faced with reconstruction and even with securing of its national boundaries, more than 40 percent of eligible voters stay home on election day, it is a clear sign of apathy and protest. Furthermore, there is much mutual incrimination going on among various ideological camps and factions. They are mostly concerned with clarifying the past and not facing the future. Today’s political formations, therefore, are not in a position to lead the much needed silent revolution.
In the Croatian diaspora, after an initial euphoria and a common effort to help during the war, there is an obvious stagnation and a growing indifference toward events in the homeland. Furthermore, there are no genuine patrons among the Croats who are willing to jump-start new and positive activities that would accelerate processes leading to a higher level of freedom, democracy, and cultural achievement. International sponsors of such projects, even if they had good intentions (which is doubtful), had backed either destructive personalities or those who lack legitimacy among the people. The outside forces clearly do not have a real understanding of how to help (presuming that they really want to) an average Croatian to accept the responsibility for his or her freedom and contribute to further democratization and progress.
An old and well-known paradigm of education maintains that the main goal of teaching is to provide students with “roots” and “wings”: the roots so that their lives may be firmly grounded to get nourishment from the soil of our human and group past and thus they may become solid human beings and citizens; the wings is to equip them with intellectual and moral strength to take off on their own, to be free and explore new horizons, to expand their human potential to the fullest. One could say that every nation, social group, and humanity as a whole, just as individuals, need both roots and wings. We need those who will preserve our past, our common memories and traditions; those who can build without destroying the old foundations; those who can see the dangers and caution us not to fly too fast and too far from the firm ground we stand upon, and teach us to guard and appreciate what has been already achieved and passed on to us. At the same time, however, we need individuals and groups who have courage and determination, aspirations, and vision to explore the new domains, take chances, and help us to move forward to new experiences and new frontiers.
Croatia today is rediscovering its true roots that were half-buried for a long time and attempting to find the wings that will take her forward. The old cultural and educational institutions, the tradition of a strong family life, the ancient towns, villages, old churches, medieval castles, and past heroes provide the people with a sense of belonging, stability, and direction. Positive and forward looking Croatocentric forces, therefore, should be seen as necessary and constructive and not as a dead weight from the past to be discarded as soon as possible. These elements have preserved the Croatian heritage, the ideals of freedom, sacrificed the most for the preservation of the nation, and kept alive the hope of independence and statehood. Their work and role did not end with the achievement of national independence. These institutions and genuine patriots should now focus on national renewal and the revolution of the spirit so that a higher level of democracy can be nurtured and flourish.
In Croatian national heritage, on the other hand, there is a long stream of those who were ready to venture out and fly off. Some of them dreamed and worked for genuine Christian unity, Panslavism, Illyrism, Yugoslavism, and other idealistic goals. Unfortunately, most of those excursions proved to be unrealistic, too adventurous, and some even tragic. Today, there are also forces for which Croatia is too small, too confining. They want to fly further and faster. (A few would even fly back to the muck from which they just escaped.) Those who emphasize tradition and roots often see these forces as dangerous. But genuine dreamers are needed in every society. They are the ones who challenge the rest to move forward, to take a wider view, to dream big, to reach higher, and to work harder. The people as a whole will be the judge if the dreamers are flying too far, getting reckless, or becoming a danger not only to themselves or to the society as such. But it is the dynamics of the two, the constructive “right” and the imaginative “left” that can move the nation into higher orbits of freedom and prosperity. But first both sides have to realize the importance of each other and of such dynamics itself.
The new forces for change among the Croatians, it seems, might come from social elements that still have idealism, hope, self-discipline, willingness to work hard for a better future of their children and of the country, and most of all, readiness to be genuinely free individuals in a free nation. A new axis for a “second revolution” hopefully will emerge from the bottom up; from those individuals and groups who have remained faithful to their roots but still have the wings to fly higher; who are willing to embark on the road of personal freedom and higher standards of democracy; those who are able to make what existentialists call “the creative act;” those who are tired of manipulations and nonsense coming from the inside or outside the country; those who are willing to look straight in the eyes of the evil in themselves and around them and work on transcending it; those who are not running after power but have the willingness to stand up to its abuse, not preaching and lecturing but working daily to lower the floor and raise the ceiling of the crawl space the powerholders try to squeeze them into. There are such people and groups. I have met many of them while visiting Croatia. They are a silent majority to be admired for their patience and endurance. But they should start coming out to make their “lighted candles” visible and their voices heard. Once they do so, we may be surprised of how much brightness, inner strength, and willingness there is among the Croatians to make the second millennium better than the one they lived through.

Development Of Orthodoxy In Croatia And The Croatian Orthodox Church

Milos Obrknezevic
This is a translation of an article published in Hrvatska Revija (Croatian Review), Munchen-Barcelona, June 1979, pp. 229-262.
On the 4th of April 1942, almost a year after the Independent State of Croatia was founded, newspapers published a government statute No. XC-800- Z-1942 announcing the establishment of the Croatian Orthodox Church. On the 5th of June, on the basis of this statute, the constitution of the Croatian Orthodox Church was approved, and on the 7th of June the Most Rev. Germogen was enthroned as the first Orthodox Metropolitan of Zagreb. The Croatian Orthodox Church was active in Croatia until the end of the war when it was suppressed by the new Yugoslav authorities and the Metropolitan Germogen was executed. I actively participated in the founding of the Croatian Orthodox Church, writing the church’s constitution, negotiating with the Croatian authorities and was secretary to Metropolitan Germogen.
The time has come to tell the truth, calmly and objectively, about the founding of the Church and the function which the Croatian Orthodox Church performed during the Second World War in the Independent State of Croatia. For a better understanding of how this autocephalous Church came into being a short historical survey of the development of Orthodoxy in Croatian territories is required (the present day Yugoslav Republics of Croatia and of Bosnia and Herzegovina).
THE DEVELOPMENT OF ORTHODOXY AMONG THE CROATS
BEFORE THE TURKISH CONQUEST
Before the final schism with Rome in 1054 the old Patriarchate of Constantinople did not extend to the lands settled by the Croats with the exception of some parts of Dioclea: the territories west of the river Drina and west of the town of Budva were outside of the Eastern Patriarchate. Even at the time of Photius’s schism (863-923), when the Metropolitan of Split looked eastward, he nevertheless remained outside the jurisdiction of Constantinople but was subordinate to the Aquileian Patriarchate. The situation did not change when the Bulgarians created a patriarchate in Ohrid (927- 1018), nor was it affected by the split of Christianity in 1054 into the Western or Roman Catholic Church and Eastern or Orthodox Church.
The first penetration of Orthodoxy into Croat territories occurred at the beginning of the 13th century following the conquest of Red Croatia (Dioclea or Zeta, Travunja and Zahumlje) 1 by Stevan Nemanja, the Grand Count of Rascia (Serbia), and by his son Stevan, already crowned king of Serbia. In 1219 Sava Nemanjic founded the Serbian Orthodox Church and established two episcopal sees (Ston and Prevlaka/Kotor) on Croatian Catholic territory. The one in Ston was short lived due to the lack of an Orthodox population in that area, while the other survived until 1485, when it was transferred to Cetinje in present day Montenegro. In the meantime, the Serbian Orthodox Church in the territories of present day East Herzegovina and Montenegro, with support from the Serbian State, and with sporadic pressure, including forcible conversions, succeeded in limiting Catholicism to a narrow stretch of land along the coast. During the Turkish domination in this region the process of conversion to the Orthodox faith resulted in the disappearance of Roman Catholicism from Montenegro about the year 1650, and in reducing the Croatian Catholic population in the coastal region to small pockets around the city of Kotor. Catholicism survived along the Dubrovnik coast, protected by the boundaries of the Dubrovnik Republic. There was no Orthodoxy, prior to the Turkish invasion, among the Croats in Bosnia (west of the rivers Drina and Neretva) and in Srijem (north of the river Sava).
THE PERIOD OF TURKISH RULE With the Turkish advancements, the first Vlachs (nomadic herdsmen originating in a region called Old Vlach east of the river Drina), appeared in the territory of East Bosnia. Descendants of the old Roman population from the Balkan Peninsula, they were Orthodox (unlike the Croatian Catholic Vlachs in the Dinaric-Velebit region) and were known in various regions and at different times as Arumanians, Czinczars, Riscani, Rkaci and Eastern-Greeks. With the rapid fall of the Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463 and the Turkish advancement into Croatia, irregular military supporting units of Vlachs, called Martholosen, were brought by the Turks to the newly conquered territories. They also came to settle and work the land in central Croatia which had been depopulated as a result of the constant fighting. These Orthodox settlers were predominantly Vlach herdsmen, partly slavonicized, and came from the central Balkan regions: Greece, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Serbia, Albania, Montenegro and East Herzegovina. The strong migratory movements of the Vlachs affected a number of other nationalities: Montenegrins, Serbs (Rascians), Macedonians, Albanians, Bulgarians, Greeks and also Croats (Uskoks, Prebjezi, Bunjevci, Predavci). The language of the Vlachs, apart from Vlacho-Romanian, was predominantly a Ijekavian-Neostokavian 2 dialect, due either to their gradual westward movement through the Ijekavian regions or else as a result of their long stay in the ijekavian territories of East Herzegovina, Montenegro and Sanjak.
The Orthodox Church followed the migratory population. First monasteries appeared, some of them built on the ruins of abandoned Franciscan friaries. During the 16th and 17th centuries, on the Turkish held territories, 3 Serbian Orthodox monasteries were founded in Herzegovina, 8 in Bosnia, 9 in East Croatia (2 in Slavonia, 7 in Srijem), 3 in South Croatia (Dalmatia) and 4 in Bosanska Krajina.3 In Banska, or Christian Croatia 4, 2 monasteries were founded. In 1502 the first metropolitan see was founded in the Krusedol monastery in Srijem, in Croatian territory. In Srijem the Orthodox settlers were predominantly Ekavian speaking Serbs, while in the remaining Croatian lands, particularly in the regions bordering on the Turkish held territories, Ijekavian speaking Vlachs predominated among the settlers. Following the restoration of the Serbian Patriarchate in Pec in 1557, it succeeded in bringing under its jurisdiction the majority of the Orthodox clergy, including the Greco-Vlach (Phanariot) clergy who were dispersed over those regions of Croatia and Southern Hungary conquered by the Turks. Makarije, the first patriarch of the restored Pec Patriarchate, founded the episcopal see in Orahovica for Turkish Slavonia and the Dabro-Bosnian see for the rest of Croatia- Bosnia under Turkish rule. A period of close cooperation with the Turks followed (1557-1690) and during that time the Patriarchate of Pec evolved into a strong theocratic and feudal force, a kind of autonomous government inside the Ottoman empire. The Patriarchs of Pec exploited the situation, undertaking intensive campaigns to convert Catholic Croats to Orthodoxy and at the same time were using pressure on the Catholic clergy to pay tributes to the Serbian Orthodox hierarchy. Conversion to Orthodoxy was at that time encouraged due to the wars being waged between the Ottoman empire and the European Catholic powers, resulting in the persecutions of Catholics, considered to be the most unreliable element under the Ottoman rule. Many remaining pockets of Catholicism were converted to Orthodoxy at that time in the territory of Turkish Croatia (Bosanska Krajina and North Dalmatia) and in the Dubrovnik hinterland, unless they had already embraced Islam. Many Catholics changed to Orthodoxy voluntarily for lack of Catholic clergy, as the Franciscans, the only Catholic priests or monks even partly tolerated by the Ottoman rulers, could not provide for the religious needs of the Catholic Croats.
After the Christian/Islam battle line was consolidated in front of the city of Senj and in the zones between the rivers Kupa-Una and Cazma-Ilova in Croatia in the middle of the 16th century, the boundary line remained unchanged for almost 150 years, until the end of 1699. During that time (particularly between 1597 and 1605) numerous Uskoks and Prebjezi, among them a number of the Orthodox population, crossed into the territory of Christian Croatia. In 1595, by a previous agreement with the Archduke Ferdinand, the bishop of the Vlachs, Vasilije, moved from the Croatian territory held by the Turks (Orahovica) and established the first Orthodox episcopal see in the Croatia-Slavonia region. His successor, Simun Vratanja, entered into a union with the Catholic Church of the Croatian Christian territory in 1611, recognizing the bishop of Zagreb. This Uniat episcopate known as Svidnicko- Marcanski had about 60,000 adherents using the Greco-Slavonic rite. (Its bishops being: Predojevic, Stanislavic, Kordic, Mijakirc Zorcic, etc.). At the same time, two more Orthodox episcopal sees were founded on Turkish held Croatian territory (Medak and Savina) and two episcopal sees transferred their seat to the territory of Bosnia (Zvornik and Sarajevo, in 1709).
THE ROLE OF THE METROPOLITAN SEE OF KARLOVCI Following the wars at the end of the 17th century the Turks were expelled from parts of Croatian territory (Slavonia, Lika, Banija and a large part of the Dalmatian hinterland) and also from Hungary and Northern Serbia. These wars caused two other important migratory movements of the Orthodox population; led by the Pec Patriarchs Arsenije Crnojevic in 1690, with 37,000 Serbian families; and Arsenije Joanovic Sakabenta in 1737. These two migrations followed the wars between Austria and Turkey and were the result of the insurrection and retreat of the Orthodox population from the rebellious regions and were directed towards South Hungary (Backa and Banat) and Eastern Croatia (Srijem). In contrast to the earlier, predominantly Vlach migrations, which moved westward and spoke either Vlach or the Ijekavian Neostokavian dialect, these new northern migrations consisted mainly of Serbs who spoke the Ekavian dialect.
As a result of these migrations and because of the border, which at that time separated them from their fellow Serbs under the Turkish domination, the ties between the Metropolitan of Srijem and the Pec Patriarchate were weakened. The Patriarchate was gradually losing its Serbian character and was later dissolved, (in 1766), its territory returned to the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. From that time almost all the nominated bishops were Phanariots.
In 1690 the Austrian Emperor Leopold recognised the supremacy in religious matters of Arsenije Crnojevic, not only over the recently arrived Orthodox population which he had led, but also over those Christians of the Greco-Slavonic rite who had crossed into the Christian part of Croatia more than a century before and had formed the Eastern Catholic Svidnicko-Marcanska diocese. This began the rivalry in the first half of the 18th century between the Croat-Vlach supporters of church unity (Uniats) and the Serbian Orthodox Metropolitan of Srijem for jurisdiction over the people of the Greco-Slavonic rite in the territory of Croatia. In the struggle the opponents of unity succeeded not only in stifling the attempts of the Greek Catholic bishops to achieve union in parts liberated from the Turks (Slavonia and Srijem) but also in gaining control of the population of the Eastern rite in East Lika, Kordun and Banija, which previously had adhered to union. At the same time the Serbian metropolitan see in Srijem began its organization of the Orthodox Church, not only for the Serbian population in Srijem and in Southern Hungary (Vojvodina), but also among the Orthodox Vlachs and Croats in the rest of Croatia. An episcopal see was founded in Karlovac but was soon divided into: Karlovacko- Senjska and Kostajnicko-Zrinopoljsko-Licka (1713-69); Pakranska (1705); and Lepinsko-Severinska (1734-50). The episcopal see of Srijem was from 1751 administered by a metropolitan, at first from Krusedol, and later from Srijemski Karlovci.
As a result of these developments the metropolitan see of Karlovci became an Orthodox Ecclesiastical Province which up to 1920 embraced all the Orthodox Serbs, Vlachs, Croats and Romanians in Southern Hungary (Vojvodina) and in Croatia. Orthodox Vlachs and Orthodox Croats living in parts of Dalmatia under Venetian rule, and in Bosnia, were outside of its jurisdiction, as were Romanians from the 1860s, when the Romanian Orthodox Church was founded in Hungary. The Metropolitans of Karlovci titled themselves the Supreme Metropolitans (Serbian Archbishops) and acknowledged the supremacy of the Patriarch of Pec. Only, after the Patriarchate of Pec was abolished in 1766 did Metropolitan Josif Rajacic receive the title of Patriarch in 1848.
After the formation of the metropolitan see in Karlovci, the Orthodox Church in Croatia, officially known among the Croatian Vlachs and Croats as Eastern Catholic, came more and more under pressure from the Serbian Orthodox Church whose aim was to take control of the non-Serbian Orthodox clergy and population, in particular the numerous Vlachs, most of whom were slavonicized or croaticized. With the weakening and subsequent abolition of the Pec Patriarchate in 1766, this aim lost its impetus in the territories under Turkish rule, but gained momentum in Banska Croatia and in Vojna Krajina5 through the workings of the metropolitan see of Karlovci. In the second half of the last century the serbianization of the non- Serbian Orthodox population culminated in the creation of a Serbian church-nation consciousness among the majority of the Orthodox population in Croatia. Since that time Serbian has become for many synonymous with Orthodoxy. In this way modern Serbian nationalism moved not only northwards through migrations but also westwards through conversions to Serbian Orthodoxy. This caused Serbian ethnic dispersal and formed a substantial Serbian minority in the Croatian territory. At the same time the ancient centre of the Serbian Church in Pec remained outside the influence of the metropolitan see of Karlovci and was gradually settled by the Albanians. During the dictatorship of Khuen-Hedervary in Croatia (1883-1903) the first Serbian Orthodox schools were founded, and in Pakrac a Serbian Orthodox Faculty of Theology was opened. The flag of the Kingdom of Serbia was later taken as the Orthodox flag in Croatia. Similar developments took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Austro-Hungarian occupation when, in 1905, autonomous Serbian Orthodox Church schools were officially confirmed. This characteristic method of awakening national consciousness through the religious affiliation brought the classification of the majority of Orthodox as Serbs, and the analogous classification of Latin and Greek rite Catholics as Croats, thus greatly impeding the awakening of national consciousness among the Muslim population. The most negative result of this was that what used to be a religious mosaic was transformed, Croats and Serbs intermixing without respect for their historical, cultural or political boundaries, which in turn caused complications between these two and the other nations on the Balkan Peninsula. The result of this process was the very slow formation of Serbia and Croatia into modern religiously heterogeneous nations (especially Serbia) and the formation of substantial minorities in the Croatian and Serbian territories: 28.8 % in the present day Republic of Serbia, 20.6% in the present day Republic of Croatia (with Serbs making 14.2 %) and a very complicated situation in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (39.6 % Muslims, 37.2 % Serbs and 20.6 % Croats) .6 This led to intolerance, friction and conflict between the minorities and the indigenous population. This was greatly exploited by the foreigners: the regime of Khuen-Hedervary in Banska Croatia, the Autonomists in Dalmatia, the regime of Kallay in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Italians, Germans and Hungarians during the Second World War, etc. In addition to this the extermination of Muslims took place in Serbia during the last century, and in Sanjak and in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first half of this century, again by the Serbs. This led to the mutual extermination of both Serb and Croat minorities during the Second World War.
THE ORTHODOX CHURCH IN YUGOSLAVIA 1918-1941 When the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was founded in 1918 there were three autocephalous Orthodox Church regions in the territory of the new state at the metropolitan level: Karlovci, Belgrade and Montenegro-Littoral. Also the Dalmatian part of the Bukovinsko-Dalmatian metropolitan see and the National Autonomous Serbian Orthodox Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the supreme rule of the Patriarch of Constantinople. All these Churches were united in Belgrade on the 26th of May 1919 into one Serbian Orthodox Church for the newly formed kingdom. The Serbian Patriarchate was established on the 30th of August 1920 in Srijemski Karlovci, and on 12th November in the same year the electoral council met and elected Dimitrije Pavlovic, Archbishop of Belgrade and Metropolitan of Serbia, as the Patriarch (1920-30). Patriarch Dimitrije was succeeded by Varnava Rosic (1930-37), up to that time Metropolitan of Skopje. During his time the Serbian Orthodox Church violently resisted the concordat between the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Holy See which the government of Milan Stojadinovic wanted to ratify in 1937. During this conflict Patriarch Varnava died, and blood was shed in the demonstrations which followed, on the 19th of July 1937 in Belgrade. The new Patriarch Gavrilo Dozic (1938-50) was arrested in April 1941 in the Ostrog monastery by the Germans and, since he refused to collaborate, was interned until the end of the war.
The process of organization of the Orthodox Church in Yugoslavia was started by enacting temporary legislation about the Serbian Patriarchate (23th October 1920) and centralizing the administrative and judicial power of the Serbian Patriarchate (13th December 1920), the law of the Serbian Orthodox Church (8th November 1929) and finally the constitution of the Serbian Orthodox Church (16th November 1931).
In its organization the Serbian Orthodox Church was, in the period between the two wars, one, indivisible and episcopalian, with main administrative divisions into eparchies in hierarchic and administrative matters. In this way the name Eastern Catholic Church was officially abolished in Croatia and all the Orthodox in the territory of Yugoslavia, including the non-Serbian population (Macedonians, Montenegrins, Vlachs, Croats, Bulgarians, Ukrainians, Romanians, Albanians, Greeks, Czinczars, etc.) were subordinated to the Patriarch in Belgrade and considered to be of the Serbian Orthodox faith. There is no doubt that the neglect and persecutions of non-Serbian nations in pre-war Yugoslavia, primarily Croats, Macedonians and Albanians, caused ill feeling towards the Serbian Orthodox Church also, as the one most favoured and privileged. The colonization of purely Croatian and Catholic regions by Serbian volunteers, persecution of Muslims after the First World War, building of Serbian Orthodox churches and attempts to penetrate into purely Catholic territories like the Adriatic coast (the island of Vis for example) caused, in addition to ethnic animosity, even more ill will towards the Serbian Orthodox Church.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE VARIOUS NATIONAL ORTHODOX CHURCHES In contrast to other world religions which have no close ties with individual nations, and unlike the Catholic Church, which is under papal authority, the Orthodox Church has no common Organisation. “The Patriarch of Constantinople has no authority over the Orthodox Churches of other countries. Territories in the East, lost by Byzantium during its decline, gradually lost contact with the central authority, while the regions bordering on the Frankish empire and Byzantium oscillated for some time between the Pope and the ecumenical Patriarch (Moravia, Bulgaria, Dalmatian Theme 7). On gaining strength the new mediaeval states under the Byzantine cultural influence aimed for political and ecclesiastic independence. The Bulgarian ruler Simeon, after proclaiming himself Emperor of the Bulgarians and Greeks in 925, established in Bulgaria a patriarchate which became independent from Byzantium (927-1018); Bulgarians again enjoyed an autonomous Church in the time of Ivan Asjen II (1218-41). At the same time, while Byzantium was in disarray during the fourth Crusade, Sava Nemanjic founded the independent Serbian archiepiscopacy in 1219 which became an independent patriarchate in the time of Tsar Dusan in 1346. Its archbishop, Joakinije, was proclaimed “The Patriarch of the Serbs and Bulgarians”. The Turkish invasion meant the end of the independent Serbian Church. The Romanian Church was autonomous between 1425 and 1440. The Byzantine Emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople, seeking help from the West against the Turks, tried once more (1439) to resolve the question of schism (Florentine Union). Their move was used by the Russian Church as a pretext to deny allegiance to the Patriarch of Constantinople and then to declare their independence in 1448. The Metropolitan of Moscow took the title of Patriarch in 1589. Peter the Great abolished the Moscow Patriarchate (1721) and in its place in- stalled the Holy Synod. The Patriarchate was restored only in 1917.8 Following the rehabilitation of the Orthodox Church in the Balkan Peninsula after the long period of close collaboration with the Turks, it started actively to participate in the resistance against the Ottoman rule, and in addition to religious needs played a part in preserving literacy, culture, and in nurturing national tradition. The Patriarchate of Pec played the same role (1557-1766). After the national states were formed on the Balkan Peninsula the autonomous Churches were established in their territories. Beside the Patriarchate of Constantinople the following Churches became independent: the Greek Orthodox Church (synod 1828, autocephalous 1833, recognised 1850); the Romanian Orthodox Church (autocephalous 1865, patriarchate 1925); the Bulgarian Orthodox Church (independence 1870, exarchate 1945);. the Hungarian Orthodox Church (independence 1930); the Serbian Orthodox Church (autonomy 1830, autocephalous 1879, patriarchate 1920); the Albanian Orthodox Church (autocephalous 1939); the Macedonian Orthodox Church (autonomy 1959, autocephalous 1967) and the Croatian Orthodox Church (autocephalous only 1942-45). In addition to the four Patriarchates (Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem) there were also numerous national and autocephalous Churches in existence: Russian (2), Georgian, Sinaian, Cypriot, Polish, Czechoslovak, Finnish, Dodecanese, Ukrainian (2), American (3), Syrian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Estonian, etc.
THE CROATIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH
THE LEGAL AND OFFICIAL POSITION OF THE ORTHODOX PEOPLE IN THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA DURING 1941
Following the collapse of Yugoslavia after the attack by the Axis powers, the Independent State of Croatia was founded on the 10th of April 1941. The newly formed state was comprised of the Triune Kingdom (Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia) and of Bosnia and Herzegovina (but excluding Medjimurje, part of Gorski Kotar, the coastal part of Northern Dalmatia between the river Zrmanja and the town of Split, Boka Kotorska and all the islands except Pag, Brac and Hvar). According to the census taken in 1931, the territory of the Croatian State had a total population of 6.042,306; 30.5 % of which (1,845,340) were Orthodox. This does not take into account the above mentioned territorial losses in which the Croatian Catholic population was predominant. The regime of the newly formed state was totalitarian and authoritarian. The head of state, Dr. Ante Pavelic 9 and the Ustasha movement held all the legislative and executive power. Legislation No XXXV-232-Z-1942 of 24th January 1942 re-establishing the Croatian Diet and the convening of the Diet, on the 23rd of February 1942 did not basically change the system of government. Religious matters in the new state came under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Justice and Religion. The internal organization of this ministry was prescribed by the legislation of the 9th of August 1941. The ministries were divided into departments each with its own special responsibilities. One section only was established at first, but later a Department for Religion headed by Fr. A. R. Glavas. Within the competence of this department was “to regulate the status and legal relations of all religions and their clergy; also religious matters of general/legal importance” .10 From March 1942 a Committee for Justice and Religion was active in the Diet; a member of this committee was a retired university professor and former vice-ban, the respected writer Dr. Vinko Kriskovic.
The ministerial decree of 18th of July 1941 ruled that the title “The Serbian Orthodox Faith”, which was considered to be at discord with the new state organisation, be replaced with “The Greek- Eastern Faith” as it was called before 1918. By the decree of the 4th of December 1941 “on the territory of the Independent State of Croatia the Julian calendar is abolished from the 5th of December 1941 for the Greek-Eastern and the Greek- Catholic Church and the Gregorian calendar is introduced” .11
The official view regarding religious freedom and the status of Orthodox during 1941 could be seen from the speech presented to the Diet by the Minister for Justice and Religion, Dr. Mirko Puk. “On the question of religion, the Croatian government follows the principle which the founder of the Party of Right, Dr. Ante Starcevic (l2), enshrined in the heart and soul of the Croatian people. In his guide for the followers of the party he says in clause 136: the Party of Right must teach the people that religion is a spiritual matter, that no nation can be divided on a religious basis, that religion must be free, that no one can impose his own religion by force, that a nation must be one in happiness, well-being and freedom, and that the present disunity in Croatia is used by the enemies of the people” .13 After this liberal quotation however, Dr. Puk continues: “The Croatian government recognizes 3 religions in Croatia i. e. the Catholic, Western or Eastern rite, Muslim, and Evangelical of the Augsburg Helvetian confession”. At the end of his speech Dr. Puk referred to ” … the Serbian Orthodox and Greek-Eastern Church. The Independent State of Croatia is not persecuting the Greek-Eastern religion, but it can not recognize the Serbian Orthodox Church! It is a known fact that the Eastern Churches belong to the so-called Caesarean Churches i. e. to Churches where religious matters are influenced by the establishment, as in the nomination of Church hierarchies, so that in reality these Churches have no freedom in their structure or Organisation, neither do they function freely but remain organs of the establishment. The head of state is also the head of the Church and it is a known fact that the laity plays a predominant role. Therefore, to allow the formation and existence of the Serbian Orthodox Church on the territory of the Independent State of Croatia would mean allowing the government of the Serbian State partly to govern in the territory of the Independent State of Croatia, using the Serbian Orthodox Church. This no country in the world would or could allow, and the Independent State of Croatia will not allow it either. Those who for any reason do not wish to recognize this historic condition are free to leave the territory of this state” .14
Dr. Ante Pavelic in his address to the final session of the Croatian Diet on the 28 th of February 1942, referred also to the question of Orthodoxy in the Independent State of Croatia with the following words: “Gentlemen! One thing which has so often had its repercussions, both good and bad, for the Croatian nation and for our Croatian homeland is the question of the Orthodox Church. Not the Orthodox religion but the Church, because there is only one Christian religion. We used to have a Greek- Eastern Church. It was called Greek-Eastern because the Orthodox in our country were under the Greek Patriarch whose chief care for them consisted in receiving high rewards for the anointing of bishops. The same situation also existed in Hungary. Hungarians, however, passed a law by which all Orthodox were made subjects to the Serbian Patriarch. Soon after the Croats copied the Hungarians and the same law was passed in Croatia. In this way the Orthodox came under the rule of the Serbian Patriarch, and the name ‘Serbian Orthodox Church’ was coined. There is no one in Croatia who has anything against the Orthodox faith. Everyone is praying to God according to his own conscience, according to what he has learned in his youth, by his birth, by his schooling and upbringing, and as he thinks best for the salvation of his soul. It is not for us to enter into that most intimate side of human life, into the question of the salvation of the soul. It is not true that the Croatian State aims to convert the Orthodox to the Catholic faith. That is not political. That is left to the individual conscience. I personally wrote a circular which was distributed to the authorities responsible in the provinces and asked them to keep a record of the conversions, not only to Catholicism but also to Islam and to Evangelicalism, and to give permission only when satisfied that the convert is honest and doing it out of conviction. I stressed in the circular that all means must be employed to prevent any kind of force being used by anybody. Despite this, violence was used in some cases but this was not done by the State, or with the approval of the State, but by individuals who acted illegally or, if by officials, then they have overstepped their authority.15 Gentlemen! No one is touching Orthodox but there is no room for a Serbian Orthodox Church in the State of Croatia. I repeat: there can be no Serbian, can be no Greek Orthodox Church. Why? Because everywhere in the world Orthodox Churches are national Churches. The Serbian Orthodox Church is part and parcel of the Serbian State. The hierarchy of the Serbian Orthodox Church is led by the Serbian State. Its state representatives appoint the Patriarch, or at least participate in his appointment, and all the hierarchy depends on him, from bishop to chaplain. All this is dependent on the Serbian establishment. This is so in Serbia, and has been so in the past in unfortunate Yugoslavia, but it may not and will not be in the Croatian State. World Churches which do not depend on a state could exist in Croatia, and there are such Churches. But if a Church is not a world Church, then it can only be a Croatian national Church, it can only be a Church which has full freedom in the spiritual domain and in freedom of conscience, but in all other matters it must be under the control of the Croatian State. We will never permit any Church to become a political tool, particularly not one aimed against the existence of the Croatian nation and the Croatian State. Therefore, sensible men who care for spiritual things will get together to analyse this question and to find a satisfactory solution for the Orthodox faith, for the welfare of the people, and for the good of the Croatian State” .16
From the address quoted above by the Minister Dr. Puk, and from the address by the Head of the State to the Diet, it will be concluded that the official position which the government of the new state adopted was characterized by the following:
1. To affirm the Croatian nation as a modern and religiously heterogeneous nation, in contrast to the outdated and harmful identification of a nation with a particular religion. 2. In contrast to the liberal views on the question of religion as proclaimed by Starcevic, to adopt totalitarian and authoritarian official recognition of only four religions: Catholic (Roman Catholic and Greek Catholic), Muslim, Protestant Lutheran and Protestant Calvinist. 3. Not to recognize or to tolerate, in the territory of the Independent State of Croatia, the Serbian Orthodox Church as an autocephalous national Church of the Serbian State. 4. To explain that the conversion of a number of Orthodox to Catholicism and the atrocities committed against the Orthodox population under the Ustasha name, had no support from the government nor was it encouraged. 5. To solve the problem of Orthodoxy in a Croatian framework by recognizing an autocephalous Croatian Orthodox Church.
THE COMPLEXITY OF THE SITUATION IN 1941 PRIOR TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE CROATIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH An unbiased, objective and detailed historical analysis of events in the Independent State of Croatia during 1941 has not yet been written. Neither is it our intention to write one, as this would require a complete book. But, as there is a need to give a concise account of events which influenced the situation of Orthodoxy in the Independent State of Croatia and led to the foundation of the Croatian Orthodox Church, it is necessary to explain and clarify some basic notions. The lack of a clear understanding of these notions prevents a proper analysis of these very complex events, events which were the result of equally complex causes and were made capital of by malicious generalization. It is necessary to explain, first of all, the relationship between modern Serbian and Croatian nationalism, the Catholic/Orthodox relations, and finally the relations between the Chetniks and the Ustashas.
CONFLICT BETWEEN MODERN SERBIAN AND CROATIAN NATIONALISM Modern Serbian nationalism began to develop at the beginning of the last century in the Belgrade pashalic of the then Turkish territory, mainly under the influence and with the support of the metropolitan see of Karlovci in the Hungaro-Croatian region of Vojvodina and East Srijem. Without a contemporary platform for statehood it took for its basis the ancient Serbian tradition of Dusan’s empire and the death of Tsar Lazar on the Field of Kosovo. On the other hand the lack of a formal, national, cultural and religious centre was substituted for by the metropolitan see of Karlovci, supported periodically by the Russian Church (the Patriarchate of Pec had been denationalized long before and subsequently abolished). The insurrection in the territory of the Belgrade pashalic, of the already decadent Turkish empire, resulted in the creation and subsequent recognition (in 1833) of the Serbian principality with help from tsarist Russia. Islam was eliminated from the territory and the principality became a nationally and religiously homogenous centre for future assembling of lands in which the Serbs lived; also a centre for the Great Serbian imperialism, with expansionist policies into territories with no Serbian population or where the Serbian population was in a minority. These territorial aspirations were based on the desire to renew Dusan’s empire (by conquest of Sanjak, Macedonia, Albania and Montenegro) and the extent of the activities the Pec Patriarchate had had during Turkish rule (Vojvodina, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia excluding a narrow stretch between the river Drava and the Adriatic).
The formation of modern Croatian nationalism had a completely different origin. It was based on the continuity of ancient Croatian statehood, beginning with a principality, later a kingdom (the first king, Tomislav, crowned in 923), preserving its individuality during the time of Hungaro-Croatian Personal Union 17; on the historic, legalistic and ethnic conception of a Unitary lllyricum (in Dalmatiam, Croatiam, Bosnam et Slavoniam distinguitur), during and after the Renaissance and the autonomous Triune Kingdom (Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia), within the Hapsburg Monarchy. Although with an apparently solid base for statehood and with traditions in constitutional and legalistic institutions (like ban /viceroy/ and Sabor /Diet/), 19th century Croatia had great weaknesses also. The ruling class, in part denationalised aristocracy, took no part in the contemporary Croatian national movement but strongly resisted it. In addition to this, three centuries of territorial separation (Ban’s Croatia, Military Frontier, Venetian Dalmatia, the Dubrovnik Republic and the territories under Turkish rule), the military zone in the geographical centre of Croatian territory, and migrations, weakened the consciousness of its ancient statehood in some areas. “The Croatian National Awakening Movement” introduced modern national ideas on the unity of the Croatian language and culture (from 1830). But at the same time it ushered in the nebulous ideas of Illyrianism, Slavism, and Yugoslavism. For this reason modern Croatian nationalism was left behind the development of modern nationalism in Serbia, and it was Starcevic and “Pravastvo” (the Party of Croatian Rights) who could be considered the founders of modern Croatian political nationalism which had worked, not only in uniting the Military Frontier and Dalmatia with the Triune Kingdom, but also on unification with Bosnia, Herzegovina and Istria.
The conflict between Croatian and Serbian modern nationalism started when nationalist ideas spread, from the region of Zagreb on the Croatian side and from the Novi Sad/Belgrade region on the Serbian side, towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, at that time still in Turkish hands, its population nonawakened nationally; and when the metropolitan see of Karlovci aimed for a definite inclusion of all the Orthodox from the territory of the Triune Kingdom (Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia) and from Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Serbs. “Pravastvo” (the Party of Croatian Rights) resisted this with the modern idea of a multi-religious Croatian nation, but the anti-Croatian regimes of Khuen, Hedervary in Ban’s Croatia, Autonomists in Dalmatia, and Kallay in Bosnia, saw to it that the Serbian equation, Orthodox = Serb, prevailed. This later brought the analogous equation: Catholic = Croat. The Muslims were left mostly unaligned in the middle. A number of Orthodox and Muslims, however, accepted the modern formula propagated by “Pravasi” about the religiously heterogeneous Croatian nation, and that is why there are a number of Orthodox and Muslim Croats; cases of Catholic or Muslim Serbs were exceptionally rare.
CATHOLICISM AND ORTHODOXY Catholicism as a major branch of Western Christianity is the faith of the majority of the Croats and also gave a Catholic character to the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy. It was the religion of the dynasty and of the majority of nations making up the monarchy: Austrians, Hungarians, Croats, Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Slovenes and Ukrainians. As a universal Church, Catholicism at that time still aimed to proselytise, but this was founded on a purely voluntary basis. A proof of this was the fact that the privileged position Catholicism enjoyed in Austro-Hungary was not exploited during the last few centuries. There was no proselytization either through persuasion or force. Religious freedom was complete.
The Orthodox Church, as already mentioned, has no unitary organisation like the Catholic Church. In addition to being divided into old and traditional national Churches, Orthodoxy was also adapting itself to the newly formed nations and to the new national states and it often became their main propellent force. On the other hand these newly formed nations and national states encouraged the formation of their own Orthodox Churches to free their citizens from the control of other national Orthodox Churches which were under the influence of foreign states and governments. From these developments it followed that the territory settled by the Croats was a meeting place for three major faiths: Catholic, Orthodox and Islam. While Catholicism and Islam are universal religions, Orthodoxy is divided into a number of national Churches. As the Croats had not founded an autocephalous Croatian Orthodox Church by the time of National Awakening (although in 1861 Kvaternik 18 appealed to ban Sokcevic to found a Church), the Serbian Orthodox Church took its place for the greater part of the Orthodox population among the Croats and at the same time succeeded in winning over to the Serbian cause the majority of the Orthodox population, mainly the already slavonicized and croaticized descendants of the Vlachs. In other words the proselytism of Serbian Orthodoxy among the Croats did not only have a religious character (as in the official Catholic Church) but also had a nationalistic Serbian dimensions, which sometimes led to national intolerance.
THE CHETNIKS AND THE USTASHAS The Chetniks, a Serbian military Organisation with expansionist aims, was formed in Belgrade in 1903 with the intention of fighting the Turks. Later it was engaged in a war against Bulgarian comitadjis and against the Austro-Hungarian occupying forces during the First World War. Between the two wars (1918-1941) the Chetnik Organisation became an extremist (Great) Serbian monarchist group with the aim of turning Yugoslavia into a Great Serbia by using terror and extermination when necessary to “clear” mixed regions from non-Serbian elements, as for example the purging of Muslims from Sanjak after the First World War. Thus Chetniks became an important element in the persecution of Croats in pre-war Yugoslavia.
The formation and development of the Ustasha movement is described by the historian, Jere Jareb, as follows: “After 1918 the Croatian people found themselves for the first time in a Balkan state where brute force, murders and secretive revolutionary organizations were normal political phenomena. The philosophy behind the formation of the Ustasha movement was the conviction that force must be answered by force. The Ustasha movement was an answer to the (Great) Serbian oppression and to lawlessness in Croatia. For the first time in Croatian politics the Ustasha movement introduced and applied Balkan political methods. It was necessary to show the Serbs that the Croats also knew how to use guns and to defend themselves and attack. Radic’s 19 and Macek’s 20 politics of pacifism and humanitarianism only provoked contempt from (Great) Serbs. It is possible that this kind of politics created an illusion and a confidence among the (Great) Serbs, making them believe that it would be easy to finish off the Croats”. E. “Dido” Kvaternik, one of the leading Ustasha functionaries, said this: “Anti Serbian feeling was the essence of the Ustasha doctrine, its raison d’etre and ceterum censeo. This was the result of 20 years of rule by Belgrade in Croatia and of the knowledge that the Serbian ruling establishment wanted to exterminate the Croatian nation. Aleksandar Karadjordjevic21 created Ante Pavelic, Chetniks created Ustashas”.
So when Croatian and Serbian nationalisms came into conflict, the extreme Chetnik and Ustasha organizations came to grips in their own specific way.
THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE USTASHAS AND THE CHETNIKS IN THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA DURING 1941 AND ITS CONSEQUENCE FOR ORTHODOXY Soon after the Independent State of Croatia was founded, the new government consolidated relatively quickly in those areas which constituted “Banovina Hrvatska” (Ban’s Croatia from 1939 to 1941), and where the majority of the population was Croatian. In those parts of the former Vrbaska Banovina and Drinska Banovina with the compact Serbian districts it took some time for the new administration to consolidate, which gave time to the Chetnik element to amass their arms and prepare the population for an uprising. Already, at the very beginning, excesses took place, committed by Ustashas in those parts of the country where Serbs were in a minority and by Chetniks in those parts with Croat Muslim or Catholic population in a minority. Political gatherings which took place during the months of May and June in 1941 and at which the high Ustasha functionaries harangued against the (Great) Serbs, aggravated the situation. At the same time mass uprisings against the new state were started by the Serbian population in parts of Bosanska Krajina and in East Bosnia and Herzegovina, organized or encouraged by the Chetniks. The minorities under attack either perished or escaped. Croat Muslims and Catholics into the towns and Serbs into the forests. Following the first wave of terrorist excesses, massacres, plunderings, house burnings and the destruction of places of worship (Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim) came retaliations, which caused suffering mainly to the innocent population who had not escaped. Intervention by the authorities was too slow and ineffective because the new administration was only beginning to form and the police stations which had only recently been set up were unable to prevent the mass terrorism. In this situation the Serbian minority in some towns and villages in the Pannonian region lived in fear of reprisals, which caused some to escape to Serbia; while others decided to change their religion from Serbian Orthodoxy to another denomination. In the non- mixed, purely Croatian regions there were no such problems and only after the outbreak of war between Germany and the Soviet Union the first communist guerilla units formed. In the meantime the Partisans skillfully exploited the Chetnik/Ustasha conflict for their own aims.
From the above circumstances and from a very brief analysis of events during 1941, which caused the persecutions and the civil war in the mixed regions of the Independent State of Croatia, the following conclusions can be drawn: 1.The presence of three religions (Catholic, Orthodox and Muslim) in the territory of the Independent State of Croatia was not a cause of the persecutions and the civil war. History has shown that peaceful co-existence and tolerance among the three religions in this territory was possible. 2. The conflict between Croatian and Serbian nationalism was not the main cause of the persecutions and the civil war because these conflicts were solved in the past by peaceful means and not by the use of force. 3. It is incorrect to present the events of 1941 as if they were typical for the whole duration of the war, from 1941 to 1945. 4. Conditions were not the same for the whole territory of the Independent State of Croatia. It depended on who were: a) Chetnik or Ustasha leaders, commandants or functionaries. b) In whose hands lay the power (Chetniks, officials of the former Yugoslav government or of the former government of Ban’s Croatia, HSS /Croatian Peasants Party/, Ustashas emigrants, native Ustashas under the oath or self-styled Ustashas, the so called “Nastashas” 22 ). c) Whether the region in question was ethnically mixed or purely Croatian or Serbian. d) Whether the area was in the zone occupied by Italians who supported and aided the Chetniks. e) The degree of a rebellious tradition among the population which depended on the geographical location of that area (whether Pannonian, Dinaric or Littoral). Polemical arguments about “who started first?” are pointless because, depending on circumstances, it was started either in the name of Chetniks or in the name of Ustashas, but always by an irresponsible element.
What then was the main cause for starting the persecutions and civil war in 1941, which in some areas and under specific conditions degenerated from military or semi-military actions to mass reprisals against the civilian population and which the adherents of communism later used for their own aims, stressing the absurdity of this conflict? It was mainly the conflict between the Chetniks and Ustashas. In that conflict all three religions: Catholic, Orthodox and Muslim, suffered and endured persecutions, including massacres, murdering of priests and burning down of churches and mosques. However, neither the Serbian nor the Croatian nation could be collectively blamed for the violence and crimes committed and for the misuse of power, nor could the members of any individual religion, nor could amorphous groups like the Croatian or Serbian nationalists or the members of mass organised movements such as Ustashas and Chetniks, although these were extremist organisations. Only those irresponsible individuals who committed the crimes could be held responsible, but the majority of these unfortunately remained anonymous; even more, some of them later succeeded in joining the Partisan movement.
CASES OF CONVERSION FROM ORTHODOXY TO CATHOLICISM As can be seen from the situation in 1941 the Serbian Orthodox Church, as a Church with a Serbian national character was proscribed, while the Greek- Eastern Church, as the Orthodox Church was renamed and as it used to be called in the time of the Austro-Hungarian empire, was not officially organised or recognised and remained without a leader. In that way the Orthodox were in fact left without a church organization unless they belonged to another autocephalous Church such as the Russian, Bulgarian, Romanian, etc., and in which clergy were available. The formation of the Independent State of Croatia and the Ustasha campaigns against the (Great) Serbs made many of the Orthodox population accept the situation, depending on circumstances (for example, renewal of old loyalty to Croatia among the Orthodox “Krajisnici”) or created a climate of uncertainty (with regard to possible reaction from the persecution of Croats in pre-war Yugoslavia). When it became known that power had been misused and atrocities committed, the Orthodox population in mixed areas and in the towns with Orthodox minorities became fearful, and while some escaped to Serbia, even when not being persecuted, others, on their own initiative, converted to Catholicism, or occasionally Protestantism, to avoid current or possible persecutions. Therefore the phenomenon of groups of Orthodox converting to Catholicism represents a separate chapter in the events which took place in the Independent State of Croatia during 1941. There are three assertions about this phenomenon.
a) Great Serbian and the present official Yugoslav: the conversion took place because the Orthodox population were forced by Ustashas, by the government of the Independent State of Croatia, and even by the Catholic Church.
b) Thesis about conversions as a result of fear: the conversions were not forced, neither were they intended by the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia. The Orthodox population came to the idea and went ahead with it voluntarily and on their own initiative, but it was done out of fear to save themselves from eventual violence.
c) The assertion by Dr. A. Pavelic and Dr. S. Hefer: the conversions followed from the voluntary desire of some of the groups of the Orthodox population to be identified in faith with their Catholic brethren in one Croatian homeland. This would include cases of conversion by some Orthodox to Catholicism out of a conviction that they were returning to the faith of their forefathers. To prove this thesis Dr. Pavelic and Dr. Hefer quoted deputations of Orthodox peasants from the surrounding of Sunja received by Dr. Pavelic, and delegations from the region of the Great County of Baranja (the broader surroundings of Osijek) who were coming to Dr. Hefer.
There is no doubt that the first thesis (a) is incorrect, and that it is propagandist and tendentious for two reasons: 1. The Catholic Church authorities decisively resisted the conversions when it was not clear that the request resulted from the free wish of the applicant. 2. Generally speaking the majority of the Ustasha movement members and their leaders were not particularly pro-Catholic, nor were they especially anti Orthodox. They were against the (Greater) Serbs and only because of that were they against the Serbian Orthodoxy. This is proved by the excellent relations between the Ustasha movement and the Orthodox Macedonians, Bulgarians, Romanians Ukrainians and Russians before and during the war.
Regarding the theses (b) and (c), it is probable that both of these were followed depending upon whether there were reasons for fear or not. Nevertheless we believe that the cases as described in (b) were more numerous. Only in certain acute cases of persecutions the local Catholic Church authorities allowed the conversions as a quick means of protecting the Orthodox population (and their property) with a view to a later return to Orthodoxy .23 Dr. Stjepan Hefer, formally a member of the Croatian Peasant Party and during the war a high official in Osijek and later a minister in the Independent State of Croatia, would often recount that in 1941 whole villages from the Osijek area came in procession under Croatian banners, headed by the cavalry and led by their elders, to be converted to Catholicism. He complained that this was later ruined by the self-styled, or “Wild Ustashas”, who started blackmailing and robbing prominent peasant converts.
ORTHODOX CROATS With the problem concerning the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Independent State of Croatia it seems that in 1941 the spiritual needs of the Orthodox Croats were neglected. It is possible that some will try to conclude that the number of Croats of Orthodox faith was very small when taking into account that the great majority of the Orthodox population on the territory of the Independent State of Croatia at that time considered themselves to be Serbs. There were only a few who took into account that, regardless of their number, the Orthodox Croats, following the intensive serbianization of Orthodoxy in Croatia, found themselves torn between their Croatian national consciousness and their religious affiliation which officially came under the domain of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The contribution of these Croats to their homeland, especially before the metropolitan see of Karlovci started openly forcing their equation: Orthodox = = Serb, was very important. These are only some of the most prominent personalities: Anastas Popovic (1786-1872), founder of the first Croatian savings-bank, the biggest financial institution in Croatia at that time, and a president of the Orthodox community in Zagreb; Mosije Baltic (1804-78), an eminent promoter of agronomy; Dr. Dimitrije Demeter (1811-72), a poet and the first modern Croatian dramatist; Petar Preradovic (1818- 72), the greatest poet of the Croatian National Awakening; Josip Runjanin (1821-78), composer of the Croatian national anthem; Makso Prica (1823-73), a lawyer and politician, secretary to ban (viceroy) Jelacic; Nikola Krestic (1824-87), a politician and president of the Croatian Diet (1873-84); Vladimir Nikolic (1829-66), a poet and a writer; Spiro Dimitrovic Kotoranin (1813-68), a Croatian writer; Bude Budisavljevic (1843-1919), a Croatian writer; Danilo Medic (1844-79), a poet; the Honourable Dr. Ivo Malin Ksaverski (1853-1907), a university professor and a secretary and adviser to the Croatian government; Dr. Gavro Manojlovic (1856-1926), an historian and president of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts; Mojo Medic (1855- 1939), a zoologist; Nikola Kokotovic (1859-1917), a writer and politician (Croatian Party of Rights); the Honourable Dr Stjepan Miletic (1868-1908), a writer and a reformer of the Croatian theatre; Dr. Milan Ogrizovic (1877-1923), a poet and writer and a politician (Croatian Party of Rights); Petar Petrovic Pecija (1877-1955), a Croatian writer; the Honourable Svetozar Borojevic of Bojna (1856-1922), a renowned general from the First World War, and numerous other generals and high officers of the Croatian Home Guard; Dusan Plavsic, a writer and a secretary of “The Croatian Club” in Sarajevo; renowned followers of the Croatian Party of Rights, Dusan Kotur and Dane Stranisavljevic; Stjepan Mitrov Ljubisa, a Member of Parliament; Mihajlo Markovic (1869-1923), an actor; Novak Simic (1906), a Croatian writer; then the Croatian generals and officers of the Second World War, Gen. Fedor Dragojlov and Gen. Djuro Grujic, chiefs of staff in the Croatian army; Gen. Lavoslav Milic, chief of military supplies; Cav. Col. Jovo Stajic; Major Vladimir Graovac, commander of the Croatian air force bomber unit 24 on the Eastern Front; Dr. Savo Besarovic, a Member of Parliament and a minister in the government of the Independent State of Croatia; Uros Doder, a Member of Parliament in the Independent State of Croatia; prominent priests of the Croatian Orthodox Church: Vaso Surlan, Spiridon Mifka, Miron Federer, Sevastijan Peric, Dositej Teodorovic, Amvrosije Veselinovic, Rafail Stanivukovic, etc.
It will be of some interest to mention that the mother of Dr. Ante Starcevic, the founder of modern Croatian nationalism and of the Party of Rights, was Orthodox by birth. Also that the rebels in the Croatian national uprising for the independence of Croatia in Rakovica (in 1872), led by Eugen Kvaternik, were blessed in the local Orthodox church by the priest, Father Popovic, and that the majority of the rebels were Orthodox, including their commander Rade Cuic. It will also be of interest to mention that Patriarch Josif Rajacic, the Metropolitan of Karlovci, enthroned ban (viceroy) Jelacic in 1848. At a reception held by ban Sokcevic in 1861, Eugen Kvaternik had drawn ban’s attention to the existence of the Orthodox Croats and stressed “the need for a Croatian Orthodox Patriarch”. It is possible that the ban’s resignation was the only reason why this idea never materialized. The standpoint of Ante Radic regarding the Orthodox Croats should also be mentioned. He said: “We do not consider that everyone of the Serbian Orthodox faith is a Serb; the mind tells us this, but we can also see it among the people. We have found many peasants of the Serbian Orthodox faith who told us that they are Croats”. In addition to those of the Orthodox faith who declared themselves to be Croats, it should be noted that there were numerous Orthodox who, due to the influence of the Serbian Orthodox Church, did not declare themselves Croats and considered themselves to be Serbs, at the same time feeling that Croatia was their homeland and that they belonged in the Croatian cultural sphere. Among these are: Nikola Tesla (1856-1943), a renowned scientist who said: “I am a Serb but my homeland is Croatia”; Dr. Pavao Vuk- Pavlovic (1894-?), a university professor, philosopher, and also a number of Croatian writers: Stevan Galogala (1893-1944), Vladan Desnica (1905-57), Milan Nolinic (1921), Vojin Jelic (1921), Cedo Prica (1931), Jovan S. Prica; then the well known artists of the Croatian National Theatre: Miso Dimitrijevic (1854- 1909), Mila Jovanovic- Dimitrijevic (1876), Josip Papic (1881-1927), Gavro Savic (1854-after 1910), Zarko Savic (1861-after 1914), Strahinja Petrovic (1892-?) and Dr. Miroslav Pantic, a former Member of Parliament from Bijeljina, and others.
We have listed these concrete examples to show that Orthodox Croats existed and that they still exist and also that there are some Serbs who consider Croatia to be their homeland. The exact number of Orthodox Croats will never be known while the Serbian Orthodox Church has exclusive rights over the Orthodox population in Croatia.
NEGOTIATIONS ABOUT THE FOUNDATION OF THE CROATIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH AT THE BEGINNING OF 1942
The development of events during 1941 in the Independent State of Croatia immediately provoked reaction and condemnation by the Croatian public. The Croatian Catholic primate, Archbishop of Zagreb and later cardinal of the Catholic Church, Dr. Alojzije Stepinac, on a few occasions publicly condemned the ferocity of the Ustasha/Chetnik conflicts and its consequences and the disrespect for human life and dignity. Professor Filip Lukas, a president of “Matica Hrvatska” and a Croatian national ideologist (1929-1941) also publicly condemned the lawlessness in his speech at the annual meeting of “Matica Hrvatska” at the beginning of 1942. In the autumn of 1941 Croatian Muslims dissociated themselves publicly from the atrocities with resolutions signed by eminent Muslim citizens in Sarajevo, Mostar and Banja Luka. Responsible men inside the Ustasha movement, especially those with Catholic and liberal orientation (in contrast to those with fascist ideas), after seeing that it was leading nowhere, informed Dr. Pavelic about the whole situation and in some cases returned their membership cards as a sign of protest against the self-styled or “Wild Ustashas”.
Before the end of June 1941 Croatian regular military forces did not exist; the formation of these began only in July 1941 after the Croatian government succeeded in convincing Rome and Berlin of the need to establish a Croatian military force. Only toward the end of the year was a plan drawn up about the formation of “Hrvatsko Domobranstvo?’ .25 Croatian Serbs were not called to national service. The Chetniks exploited this and recruited them into Chetnik units. During the first months of 1942 it became clear to the majority of government officials that a dead end had been reached in the guerilla war. Dr. Pavelic then established a headquarters and at the first meeting there the problem of their attitude towards the Serbian minority was raised. According to E. “Dido” Kvaternik all the present members of the government and the representatives of the military forces agreed that the time was right to smooth out the conflict with the Serbs. Dr. Pavelic stressed that the Croatian Orthodox Church would be established as a first step toward this pacification. Shortly after that came the already quoted speech by Dr. Pavelic in Sabor (Diet) on the 28th of February 1942 suggesting this possibility as a solution. The question of establishing the Croatian Orthodox Church was discussed in March 1942 in the Department of Justice and Religion when Dr. Vinko Kriskovic courageously stood for liberal change in the legal status of Serbs in Croatia on the basis of human rights, freedom of confession, ethics and morality.
At that time I was in Srijem. I am a Serb by nationality (not an Orthodox Croat as some believe), born in Belgrade in 1910. My forefathers came from Neuzin in Banat. After qualifying as a lawyer I spent many years in the employment of the Serbian Orthodox Church, first as an apprentice to the judiciary and later as a legal adviser in Srijemski Karlovci. During the war, in April 1941, I was serving in the Yugoslav army as a lawyer with the rank of captain, first class. I succeeded in escaping captivity, but when Srijem was incorporated into the Independent State of Croatia in October 1941 I was imprisoned, and later released after the intervention of my Croatian friends. Before being included into the Independent State of Croatia, Srijem was, like Serbia, under German occupation. In April 1941 the Patriarch of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Gavrilo Dozic, was arrested by the Germans in the Ostrog monastery in Montenegro. For refusing to collaborate with the Germans he was kept in internment for the duration of the war. In this new situation the synod elected the Metropolitan of Skopje, Josif Cvijovic, to deputize for Patriarch Gavrilo in the territory of Serbia. During that time the Germans took from Srijem part of the Church archives and valuables. Through Metropolitan Josif, who kept in touch with Patriarch Gavrilo, and was his close co-operator, the Patriarch sent a message that, due to the new situation, everything should be done to normalize Orthodox matters in the new Croatian State. Based on that directive, the before-mentioned speech by Dr. Pavelic, and the courageous stand by Dr. Kriskovic in the Croatian Sabor, first contacts were made with the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia, through Fr. A. R. Glavas26, Secretary of the Department for Religion in the Ministry of Justice and Religion. Since the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia did not want to have direct talks with the Serbian Orthodox Church or with its legal representative, Josif, I was asked, as a layman, to undertake negotiations. Next I was received by Dr. Pavelic three times. In the first meeting, which lasted three and a half hours, we discussed the constitution of the Croatian Orthodox Church which I drafted on the basis of the Serbian Orthodox Church constitution of the 16th of November 1931, mainly by altering the references from the former state, government and nationality to the new state, government and nationality. Two further meetings were held, mainly for additional revisions and to talk about the candidate who would receive the highest hierarchic position. During the negotiations and discussions I insisted and persevered on the legal and canonical aspects, and these were granted to me The interest of Dr. Pavelic was concentrated mainly on linguistic and symbolic things, since my knowledge of Croatian literary language and orthography and of Croatian history was inadequate.
During the negotiations in Zagreb I saw that I was being followed and spied upon by certain persons, therefore two bodyguards were assigned to me. It was later found that the Hungarians, the Germans and the English took an interest in the whole affair, hoping to find a political aspect to it, but when they saw that it was only of a religious nature, they lost interest. To the assumption by Fikreta Jelic- Butic 27 that the idea about the Croatian Orthodox Church “probably originated in the first place from the Germans” on account of a report by A. Hefer and a statement by S. Kasche (the German ambassador in the Independent State of Croatia), I have to say that all my activities were carried out exclusively with the Croatian authorities and that there were no indications that the Germans were involved, or that they gave the initiative.
On the 31 of March 1942, on the eve of the Catholic Easter a short “Provision of the law about the Croatian Orthodox Church” was published in the gazette “Narodne Novine” under the number XC-817-Z-1942 signed by the Minister of Justice and Religions, Dr. Mirko Puk, and by the head of state, according to which the Orthodox Church in Croatia was established. Soon after this legal notice the work of organizing the Croatian Orthodox Church started, and the final organization and activities were determined by the constitution of the Croatian Orthodox Church which came into force on the 5th of June 1942, under the number CLXIV- 1386-Z- 1942. The organization of the Croatian Orthodox Church was, in accordance with its constitution, autocephalous and episcopalian. Its ecclesiastical-hierarchical and autonomous organs were the Patriarch of the Croatian Orthodox Church and the Metropolitan of Zagreb, the Holy Archidiaconal Synod, the High Church Court, the episcopate, the parish church courts, the archidiaconal dignitaries, the priests and the church administrative councils. Administratively the Church was divided into eparchies, archidiaconal regions and parishes. For dogma and canon law the Croatian Orthodox Church was based on the Holy Scriptures and on holy tradition in accordance with the teachings of Holy Orthodoxy and on the canons of the general church synods, and administratively on the constitution of the Croatian Orthodox Church and on the decisions and orders of the church regions authorized by the constitution.
In addition to formulating and promulgating the constitution of the Croatian Orthodox Church, the selection of a suitable person of appropriate rank and qualification for the Metropolitan was important, and for this consultation and agreement with several high persons in the Orthodox hierarchy was necessary. While the constitution of the Croatian Orthodox Church was discussed I made contact with dignitaries who were willing to accept this duty and status and who had all the prerequisite spiritual qualifications. The person who already had the title of Metropolitan, and who responded to the invitation, was the Most Reverend Germogen, the former Metropolitan of Novomoskovsk from Kuban. Metropolitan Germogen, on leaving the seminary, attended the Academy of Theology, became a minister and a parish priest. Later he became professor, and then rector of the Faculty of Theology in Saratov. Married and the father of a large family, he entered a monastery after the death of his wife. Later he became archimandrite and was elected as a deputy bishop in the eparchy of Don. During the First World War he was elected Archibishop of Yekaterinoslav and Novomoskovsk. He left Russia during the Revolution and spent some time in Greece, on the island of Lemnos, and on Mt. Athos. In 1922 he came to the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and stayed in the monasteries of Ravanica, Rakovac and, before the Second World War, in the Hopovo monastery in Srijem. According to the constitution of the Croatian Orthodox Church, and in agreement with the ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople, a patriarch would head the Croatian Orthodox Church in Zagreb. This function however was taken by the Most Rev. Germogen at the rank of Metropolitan, due to the war circumstances. Further arrangements were left for the future. Romanian, Bulgarian and Greek Orthodox Churches, as well as the ecumenical Patriarchate in Constantinople, were notified about the establishment of the Croatian Orthodox Church and of the election of the Metropolitan Germogen. The Serbian Orthodox Patriarch, Gavrilo Dozic, who was in internment at that time, and his deputy, the Metropolitan Josif Cvijovic, were also informed, unofficially, about the negotiations, and about the eventual outcome. Patriarch Dozic agreed with the election of the Metropolitan Germogen, but was against his being nominated as a patriarch. In this respect he was satisfied. Some were critical about the election of the Metropolitan Germogen on the ground of his advanced age and because of his Russian origin, and wrote about him “being dragged from the Hopovo monastery”. Firstly, the Metropolitan Germogen lived a monastic life and was far from being ambitious; his high spiritual and moral qualifications were beyond question. His acceptance of the highest hierarchic office of the Croatian Orthodox Church was therefore a sacrifice for him. He accepted it only for religious and humanitarian reason. He knew that, because of his age, he would probably never become a patriarch and that it would only be logical to give that office to a native son. His Russian origin was a compromise. The Orthodox priests of Croatian origin were few and the choice among them was therefore limited. On the other hand members of the high Serbian hierarchy still required time to overcome the trauma of the new state and the new situation, while the younger ones, who quickly adapted to the new conditions, could not be taken into consideration for the obvious reason of their youth and lack of experience.
THE ACTIVITY OF THE CROATIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH FROM JULY 1942 TO MAY 1945
On the 7th of June 1942 the solemn enthronement of the Most Rev. Germogen as the Metropolitan of the Croatian Orthodox Church took place in the Orthodox church of the Holy Transfiguration in Preradovic Square in Zagreb, also he took canonical possession of the metropolitan see. On that day the guard of honour and musicians were lined up in front of the church, while within numerous faithful were assembled, with the clergy in solemn vestments. The government was represented by the president of the Croatian State Diet, Marko Dogen, the secretary of the Ministry of Justice and Religion and the Minister of Agriculture, Jozo Dumandzic, the mayor of Zagreb, Ivan Werner, the State protonotary, Dr. Ivan Majcen, the master of ceremonies, Col. Machiedo, the representative of the Zagreb Orthodox community, Mr. Petar Lazic, etc. The Most Rev. Germogen arrived accompanied by his secretary, myself. The act of enthronement was carried out according to the prescribed rite and with the participation of the Orthodox priests, priors Platon, Vaso Surlan, Serafim Kubcevski, Venjamin Pavlovski, Joca Cvijanovic, Miron Federer and archdeacon Aleksej Borisov. Minister Dumandzic delivered a speech and read the decree by the head of state appointing the Most Rev. Germogen as the Metropolitan of the Croatian Orthodox Church with his seat in Zagreb (decree No. 6034-B-1942). In his speech Dr. Dumandzic said that in founding the Croatian Orthodox Church the principle expressed in the Croatian national proverb “The brother is dear whatever his faith” was followed. He also stressed that the Croatian nation had always shown religious tolerance and that for centuries Catholics and Muslim Croats had lived in harmony and love with the Orthodox. “It is certain that they will all equally love in the future their Croatian homeland with which they are closely bound by home and family, by the graves of their forefathers and the cradles of their children, and will remain her faithful sons”. He continued and stressed that the constitution guarantees to the Croatian Orthodox Church wide autonomy and unhindered spiritual activity in accordance with the principles of the Orthodox faith. On the next day, the 8th of June 1942, the Metropolitan Germogen took his oath. The ceremony was followed by a reception at which the head of state was present, together with the Cabinet headed by Dr. Dzaferbeg Kulenovic and the Metropolitan with his retinue, including myself, as well as the representatives of the Zagreb eparchy and of the Church community, Revv. Joco Cvijanovic Petar Lazic, Djuro Jukic, Teodor Vukadinovic and the Abbot Miron Federer.
The founding of the Croatian Orthodox Church had immediate and very positive results. About 3000 Orthodox detainees were released from various detention camps and prisons (Sisak, Slavonski Brod, etc.) and a number of the priests who had not emigrated to Serbia returned from the detention camp in Caprag to their flock. Orthodox churches which had been closed were immediately reopened. Metropolitan Germogen was personally present at the reopening of churches in Mitrovica, Ruma, Irig and Srijemski Karlovci. Baptisms and weddings took place in large numbers and on occasions up to 200 children were baptised in a single day. In accordance with the constitution, the eparchies of Brod, Sarajevo and Bosanski Petrovac were established, in addition to the metropolitan see of Zagreb. The organization of one in Bosanski Petrovac was not possible due to the guerilla war in that area. Various interventions on behalf of the Orthodox followed, such as one concerning approximately 600 Orthodox reserve officers who were to have been sent into the first firing lines, but were spared, some of them being allowed to return home following an appeal to the Minister, Artukovic, at 1. a. m. Amicable relations with the Catholic and Muslim hierarchies were established. During a two hour meeting with the Archbishop of Zagreb, Croatian Metropolitan the Most Rev. Alojzije Stepinac, close collaboration of the Churches and the ecumenical themes were discussed.
The young priests and clerics in Srijem who were nearing the end of their studies had these courses curtailed and were sent to vacant parishes. These appointments were left exclusively to the hierarchy of the Croatian Orthodox Church and the civilian authorities did not interfere. Where the churches were destroyed or damaged, chapels and small cemetery churches were brought into use as parish churches. On the l0th of April 1943, to celebrate the foundation of the Independent State of Croatia, services were held in Catholic and Muslim places of worship, as well as in the Orthodox churches. Valuable art treasures such as iconostases, screens and icons from damaged or demolished Orthodox churches were transferred to the Museum of Arts and Crafts in Zagreb and preserved thanks to the museum staff. The Orthodox calendar was published and prayer-books were printed, free of all political additions; the only difference from those published before the war was that the alphabet was not Cyrillic but Latin. Essential items from that part of the archive which had not been taken by the Germans were brought to Zagreb, where the metropolitan see was now situated. A number of Orthodox priests distinguished themselves in organizing the Croatian Orthodox Church and the newspapers published the following announcement before Christmas 1942: “On the occasion of Christmas His Grace the Metropolitan of Zagreb and of all the Croatian Orthodox Church, the Most Rev. Germogen has decorated the following clergymen for their conscientious service to the Church and to the people: Baton: Archpriest Evgenij Jarlemski and Archpriest Aleksandar Volkovski; Archpriest: priests Vasilije Surlan, Serafim Kubcevski and Anatolije Paradijev; Abbot: priests Sevastijan Peric and Dositej Teodorovic and priors Amvrosije Veselinovic and Rafail Stanivukovic; Pectoral Cross: Abbot Miron Federer, archpriests Cvietin Sovic and Risto Babunovic; Red Sash: Archpriest Aleksej Borisov, priests Joca Cvijanovicc Vasilije Jurcenko, Pavie Kozarski, priors Vlasmin Pavlovski, Venjamin Radosavljevic, Mihaiev Milogradski, Dimitrije, Ivan Mrackovski, Evgenij Pogorecki, Petar Popov, Bogdan Popovic, Cvjetan Popovic, Nikolaj Semcenko, Petar Stefanovic, Sergije Selivanovski, Ljubomir Svrtilic and Emilijan Simatovic”. Spiridon Mifka, the former parish priest in Visoko, was appointed head of the eparchy of Sarajevo in August 1944. This shows that the assertion that the Croatian Orthodox Church was only an “Ustasha’s invention” which “consisted of only five or six Russian priests”has no foundation. It is clear that among the above listed prominent clergymen of the Croatian Orthodox Church there were Croats, Serbs, Russians, Ukrainians, Macedonians and Bulgarians, though mostly Orthodox Serbs and Croats, not to mention young priests and those of the lower hierarchic rank. Similarly, the conclusion by Dj. Kasic, in his work Srbi ipravostavlje (The Serbs and the Orthodoxy), that the activity of the “few” Orthodoxy priests in the formation of the Croatian Orthodox Church “was unsuccessful because the Serbs sensed the tendency and, to avoid persecutions, if they were changing their Church, they were more willing to change to the Roman Catholic faith than to join this artificial creation” is completely senseless, since it is well known that after the Croatian Orthodox Church was founded, there was not one conversion to Catholicism, and that a number of those who had changed their confession out of fear returned to the Orthodox faith inside the Croatian Orthodox Church which had been established and was functioning normally.
Conscientious historians will reach the conclusion that the founding of the Croatian Orthodox Church created conditions and an atmosphere in which first steps could be taken towards the reconciliation and reduction of Serb-Croat conflict, and excesses caused by the irresponsible elements. Although the Croatian Orthodox Church was not directly involved in it, the agreement of peace and co-operation was signed between some Chetnik units and the military and civilian authorities of the Independent State of Croatia. After 1942 the civil war was waged mainly between the Partisan communist forces with a predominantly Yugoslav orientation on the one side, and the nationalist Croats, Serbs, etc., on the other. It should also be mentioned that in 1943 the Dora Pukovnije (Domobran labour regiments) were formed, one on the territory of each military district, into which primarily Orthodox Serbs were recruited and those Orthodox Croats from Srijem and Slavonija, who had not previously being called to military service The idea was gradually to create mutual trust between the Orthodox and non-Orthodox citizens, Croats and Serbs, in the military field.
I remained in the service of the Metropolitan Germogen as his secretary until the middle of 1944, when a misunderstanding arose between myself and a few of the Orthodox in Zagreb. To prevent conflict I decided to resign, and left for Backa, which was at that time ruled by Hungary. The end of the war found me in Novi Sad, where I was at first arrested, and later released, when I explained the religious and humanitarian motives which led me to partake in the founding of the Croatian Orthodox Church. Later I emigrated. Some prominent communists from Vojvodina, later to become high functionaries, and a minister who was imprisoned in 1941/42, all of whom owed their lives to the formation of the Croatian Orthodox Church, intervened on my behalf when I was arrested in 1945.
Metropolitan Germogen, already 85, did not retreat to the West at the end of the war when the Independent State of Croatia was abolished, and was arrested by the new Partisan authorities in May 1945, together with the Archpriest Aleksej Borisov. Both were executed. I believe that this was done by the Great Serbian fanatic, chauvinist and non-communist elements, as it can not be explained why true communists would be interested in religious hierarchical problems and in revenges of a religious nature. In my opinion a great mistake was made by the new authorities for allowing this crime to happen. Prominent priests of the Croatians Orthodox Church who did not succeed in escaping were subjected to heavy persecutions and almost all of them lost their lives.
From the history of the Croatian Orthodox Church, presented above, it is clear that the numerous articles which have dealt with this subject are wrong and untrue. For example, in the entry Ustashas in the Yugoslav Encyclopaedia, historian Ljubo Boban states; “The idea was to reduce the number of the Orthodox population by converting a part of that population to Catholicism. But the forcible conversions of Serbs to Catholicism brought no results, as the manipulation of the Croatian Orthodox Church, a creation of the Ustashas of April 1942, brought no results”. This uncritical and confused assertion by Boban, who is mixing religious and national notions, is unworthy of the historian he later became. He talks of reducing and converting to Catholicism the Orthodox population, although it is known that the aim of the Ustashas attack, in 1941, was not directed against the Orthodox faith (Ustashas were indifferent to it) but against the Serbs, primarily against the Great Serbs and only through them against Serbian Orthodoxy. Boban says that “the forcible catholicizing of Serbs” (now he talks about the Serbs and not about the Orthodox) and “the manipulation of the Croatian Orthodox Church gave no results”. If “catholicizing” (which in a majority of cases was not forced but requested and accepted by some Serbs out of fear, in seeking for protection, or in a desire to equalise with the majority) did not succeed (which is true), then we can be grateful to the “manipulation” of the Croatian Orthodox Church and to its success, not failure, because when the Croatian Orthodox Church was founded the conversions to Catholicism instantly stopped, and a large majority of those who had changed their religion returned to the Orthodox faith within the Croatian Orthodox Church.
The commentary by the high ranking Ustasha functionary E. “Dido” Kvaternik about the Croatian Orthodox Church is tendentious and untrue when he says: “The Orthodox Church was established as the Croatian Orthodox Church with a pure anti-Catholic tendency. A Russian, not a Serb, was appointed its head. It was the Russo-Croatian Orthodox Church which did not appeal to the Serbs”. If Orthodoxy ever had a problem in Croatia it was during 1941, because of the conflict between the Ustashas and Chetniks. One of the leading exponents of the conflict was “Dido” Kvaternik on the Ustasha side. The formation of the Croatian Orthodox Church and its relationship with the Catholic Church in Croatia shows that the Croatian Orthodox Church was not established with “anti-Catholic tendencies”, neither was its intention to “attract” the Serbs. It was a solution to the problem of professing the Orthodox faith on the territory of the Independent State of Croatia for all the Orthodox Serbs, Croats, Ukrainians, Russians, Montenegrins, Macedonians, etc., since the activity of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Church of the neighbouring state of Serbia, was not allowed. The Croatian Orthodox Church was multi-national in the composition of its followers and hierarchy. A relatively moderate book by Pavle Ostovic also contains the following untruth: “Horrible cruelties were unleashed upon the innocent population, only for being Orthodox”. The best answer to P. Ostovic is given by his party leader, Dr. Vlatko Macek, in his book28: “The best proof that the Ustashas did not persecute the Serbs for religious reasons is that they themselves founded the Croatian Orthodox Church in 1942, headed by a Russian emigrant bishop”.
RETROSPECTIVE CONCLUSIONS
From a survey of the history of Orthodoxy among the Croats, as described above, it could be concluded that, following the split of Christianity, the Croats remained in the Western and the Serbs in the Eastern Church, and the present day Montenegrins (Dioclea, Zeta), partly in the Western and partly in the Eastern Church. With the expansion of the Serbian State during the rule of Nemanjics, the Catholics from the present day East Herzegovina and from Montenegro (ancient Red Croatia) were driven to a narrow stretch along the coast up to the Republic of Dubrovnik and to the Kotor- Montenegro Littoral.
The Turkish thrust into Croatia in the 15th century and the two hundred years of a war zone in the middle of Croatia, (Turkish Croatia)29, resulted in a number of Croats converting to Islam, and in the settlement of the ravaged and abandoned lands of central Croatia by the Orthodox population from the Balkan hinterland, mainly by the migratory Vlachs, herdsmen and peasants, people of Roman origin. This was the reason why the Croatian lands, religiously and ethnically homogeneous prior to the Turkish invasion, became intermingled both religiously (Catholics, Orthodox, Muslim) and ethnically (Croats, Vlachs and various other Balkan nationalities).
With Serbians migrating north at the beginning of the 18th century (Srijem, Vojvodina and Southern Hungary) a large compact group of Serbs of Ekavian speech came to the Croatian territory, together with the retreating Serbian Orthodox Church (the metropolitan see of Karlovci) which in the course of the two following centuries succeeded in gaining hierarchical control over the Orthodox Vlachs and the Croats, and in the 19th century in the serbianization of the major part of them, simply by using the equation: Orthodox = Serb. In this way the religious mosaic in the central Croatian regions also became an ethnic mixture of Croats and Serbs. To this the modern Croatian nationalism of Starcevic responded by advocating the idea of Croats as a multi-religious nation of Catholics, Orthodox and Muslims. The identification with Orthodoxy prevented the Serbs from forming a multi-religious nation, while among the Croats there are Catholic Croats, Muslim Croats and Orthodox Croats, the latter being subordinated in religious matters to Serbian Orthodoxy.
The conflict between the modern Croatian and the modern Serbian nationalism originated in the mixed areas claimed by the (Great) Serbians, and by the Croats, on the basis of historical rights. In pre-war Yugoslavia the tension increased, resulting in Serbian domination of that state. With the foundation of the Independent State of Croatia in 1941 the conflict between the extreme nationalistic organisations, the Ustashas and the Chetniks, began in the mixed areas. In this conflict the irresponsible elements under the Chetnik or Ustasha banners started persecuting the minority groups and in the process all three denominations suffered – Catholicism, Orthodoxy and Islam. Since the government of the Independent State of Croatia did not recognize the Serbian Orthodox Church as it was a national Church of Serbs and of the neighbouring state of Serbia, Orthodoxy in Croatia was left without leadership in 1941. The problem was solved in 1942 by founding the Croatian Orthodox Church.
On the basis of the above analysis and from our personal participation in the events we conclude, taking into account all the difficulties, that the existence of the Croatian Orthodox Church, from 1942- 45, was positive for all the Orthodox Serbs, Croats and other nationalities on the territory of the Independent State of Croatia, from a religious and from a humanitarian standpoint. Also in reconciling and reducing the Croato-Serbian conflict caused by past mistakes and by the Ustasha/Chetnik conflict. In this way, after 1941, the conflict between them was reduced, and in some areas agreement was reached. For the Orthodox Serbs, the Croatian Orthodox Church offered a security and a temporary religious solution under an authoritarian regime which did not tolerate the Serbian Orthodox Church, a national Church of the Orthodox Croats the Church was a long desired but hitherto prevented solution for their dilemma: their Croatian national feelings and loyalty for their Croatian homeland on the one side, and the only Orthodox Church in Croatia, which was exclusively Serbian national, on the other.
It is to be regretted that, due to the short-sighted attitude of some Great Serbian chauvinists in Croatia, the abolition of the Croatian Orthodox Church was not prevented and the Church left to continue with a revised constitution (of course for those Orthodox who wanted to remain), in the first place for Croats of Orthodox faith, regardless of their number. This does not mean that a reestablished Serbian Orthodox Church could not have coexisted with the Croatian Orthodox Church for the Orthodox of Serbian nationality, as full religious freedom means toleration and coexistence, not exclusiveness and monopoly of Churches.
It appears absurd, yet it should be mentioned, that a communist system was biased to such an extent regarding the existence of the Croatian Orthodox Church that it took a standpoint of militant intervention for the exclusiveness of the Serbian Orthodox Church, as the only Orthodox Church, on the territory inhabited by Croats and Serbs in Croatia and against the toleration and coexistence of various Orthodox Churches. This was later corrected with regard to the Macedonian Orthodox Church, but the idea of centralized Orthodoxy unfortunately still prevails in the rest of Yugoslavia. Anyone of the Orthodox faith who is neither a Serb nor a Macedonian, and that means a member of any other nationality in Yugoslavia (Slovene, Croat, Montenegrin, Albanian, Ukrainian, etc.) may profess his Orthodox faith only as a member of the Serbian Orthodox Church.
Past experience and present day events are teaching us that the delicate problems of religion and nationality should be solved while there is still time, not when they have erupted with full violence. The intolerant Great Serbian exclusivity by which all the Orthodox in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina are only Serbs, and the quixotic assertions, by some Croatian emigrant circles, that all the Orthodox in Croatia are only Croats, is not realistic. On the territory of these republics there are Orthodox Serbs as well as Orthodox Croats. The exact number will be known only when there is an atmosphere of full religious and national freedom.
CONSIDERATIONS ABOUT THE FUTURE
The history and development of Orthodoxy in Croatia, the recent troublesome and tragic experiences, the fate of the Croatian Orthodox Church and the still unresolved problem of freedom to confess the Orthodox faith in Croatia, frustrated by the exclusive territorial rights of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Croatia, should be a reason for concern to all those who have responsibility, so that at critical moments in the future the same mistakes are not repeated. It is difficult to understand why the Serbian Orthodox Church holds firmly to its acquired rights in Croatia and prevents a normal development of free confession of the Orthodox faith and the existence of other Orthodox Churches. If an Orthodox Church for the Croats, for the non-Serbian Orthodox and for those Serbs who have freely joined it, would be small in number beside a big Serbian Church, then we can not see why there is a need for the Serbian Orthodox Church to be afraid, particularly if the Orthodox Church in Croatia does not claim exclusive territorial rights. There is a great need to establish an Orthodox Church in Croatia with a general non-Serbian character. That Church does not have to be a new edition of the Croatian Orthodox Church, founded in difficult war circumstances under an authoritarian regime, which was, to a certain extent, reflected in the set up of the Church. It could be founded either on the model of the Macedonian Orthodox Church i. e. through the territorial separation from the Serbian Orthodox Church; or as a new ecclesiastical unit next to the Serbian Orthodox Church in Croatia, formed simply on the basis and on the example of the separation between the church and state and the state constitution which guarantees freedom of confession. The first steps to be taken are a) the education of a new generation of priests in the Macedonian, or any other Orthodox Church, since the pre-world war generation of Croatian Orthodox priests of the Greek-Eastern right are already dead, and the three years of activity of the Croatian Orthodox Church was unable to raise a large number of priests; b) setting up of a committee to found the new Church; c) finding a cathedral for establishing the Zagreb archdiocese; d) organization of an ecclesiastic national council to elect the archbishop and to draft the constitution, which would decide, among other things, the name of the new Church. Such a Church, like any other Orthodox Church, would not be monopolistic and would represent no danger to anyone, since the government would always have the last word with regard to those activities which were not of a religious nature, or were in conflict with the constitution.
NOTES
1 Red Croatia: approximately the area of the Herzegovina and parts of Montenegro along the coast.
2 Ijekavian-Stokavian: the Croatian language comprises three dialect groups distinguished by their respective words for “what?”: sto, ca and kaj. Hence the names of these dialects: Stokavian, Cakavian and Kajkavian. Another classification of Croatian dialects is made on the basis of the triple development of the Common Slavic sound “jat”: e, i, (i)je. Hence the names Ekavian, lkavian and (I)jekavian. Whereas the Serbian literary language is stokavian and Ekavian, the Croatian literary language is Stokavian and (I)jekavian.
3 Bosanska Krajina: the region between the rivers Una and Vrbas.
4 Banska Hrvatska: the area that remained of Croatia following the Turkish invasion and the Venetian annexation of Dalmatia; under the jurisdiction of the ban (viceroy) and Sabor (the Croatian Diet).
5 Vojna Krajina (Military Frontier): that region of Croatia forming a military defence zone established to contain Turkish raids; outside of ban’s jurisdiction.
6 According to the census of 1971.
7 Dalmatian or Byzantine Theme (province): the cities of Zadar, Trogir, Split, Dubrovnik and Kotor and the island of Krk, Osor (Cres and Losinj) and Rab, ruled by the Byzantium in the early Middle Ages.
8 Praveslavlje (The Orthodoxy), Encyclopaedia of the Lexicographical Institute, Vol. 5, LZ, Zagreb, 1969.
9 Dr. Ante Pavelic (1889-1959), founder of the nationalist Ustasha organization in 1931; leader of the Independent State of Croatia from April 1941 to May 1945.
10 Spomen-knjiga prve obijetnice Nezavisne Drzave Hrvatske 10. 4. 1941. – 10. 4. 1942. (Book of Remembrance to commemorate the first anniversary of the Independent State of Croatia, 10 April 1941 to 10 April 1942), State Office for Information and Publicity, Zagreb, 1942.
11 Ibid.
12 Dr. Ante Starcevic (1823-1896), Croatian politician, founder of the Party of Rights.
13 As footnote 10.
14 As footnote 10.
15 The existence of this circular is attested by the Archbishop Stepinac in his letter to Dr. Pavelic, dated 20th of November 1941, in which the circular of 30th of August 1941 is mentioned and in which the Archbishop says: “You have yourself publicly denounced the atrocities committed by the individuals who called themselves Ustashas and whom you have ordered to be shot for their crimes. Your resolute stand to bring order and justice to the land deserves to be fully acknowledged”.
16 As footnote 10.
17 Croato-Hungarian personal union, also known as “Pacta Conventa”: an agreement from 1102 by which Croatia became an associated or autonomous kingdom under the suzerainty of the Hungarian crown.
18 Eugen Kvaternik (1825-1871), Croatian politician; with Ante Starcevic co-founder of the Party of Rights; in 1871 attempted and unsuccessful uprising in Rakovica, Croatia.
19 Stjepan Radic (1871-1928), Croatian politician; with his brother Ante co-founder of the Croatian Peasant Party in 1904; shot and mortally wounded in the Belgrade Parliament.
20 Dr. Vlatko Macek (1879-1964), Croatian politician; Radic’s successor as leader of the Croatian Peasant Party; died in exile in the USA.
21 Aleksandar Karadjordjevic, king of Yugoslavia; assassinated in Marseilles in 1934.
22 As the Ustasha movement was not numerous before the foundation of the Independent State of Croatia, in many regions there were no organized Ustashas from pre-war times. If the Croatian Peasant Party was weak, or even non-existent, in certain areas of the new state, this allowed irresponsible elements to wear the Ustasha uniform and to declare themselves Ustashas. These undisciplined self-styled and self-appointed Ustashas were of a dubious character and Ustasha authorities named them “Wild Ustashas” or “Nastashas” and did all in their power to eliminate them, including executions for crimes.
23 Dr. V. Macek in his book In the Struggle for Freedom says that the communists did not investigate the reasons why Catholic priests accepted converts, but persecuted them for that. “Notably in the case of a priest from Sarajevo who said to the Orthodox converts: ‘Children, your mother, the Orthodox Church, is in distress and is unable to take care of you. You came to the Catholic Church, your aunt, and when your mother has recovered you will return to her.’ As a reward the priest was sentenced to death after the war”.
24 While at the explicit request of Dr. Macek, the vice-president of the Yugoslav government, Col. Ivan Prpic was promoted to the rank of a general, as the only Croat with that rank in the Yugoslav army before the war, the Orthodox officers held the highest positions in the Croatian Army during the war, including the three mentioned generals. Even among the Ustashas there were officers of the Orthodox faith, as for example Lieutenant Markovic.
25 Hrvatsko Domobranstvo (Croatian Homedefence Force): the Croatian regular military force.
26 I remember Fr. Glavas with great affection. It was clear from the outset that he was a very cultured and refined man (in addition to being a priest he was also a teacher and a literary critic). He sincerely wished to solve the problem of Orthodoxy in a correct way and to everyone’s satisfaction. He said that as the Catholic Church did not like state interference into ecclesiastical matters, so in the same way the state should not interfere with other confessions. It is to his credit, that the authorities were not involved, to a great extent, in the nominations for the Croatian Orthodox Church. Feeling no guilt he did not retreat in May 1945 but his name is on the first list of those executed by the Partisans in Zagreb.
27 Jelic-Butic, F.: Ustase i NDH, 1941-1945 (Ustashas and the Independent State of Croatia, 1941-1945), Liber and Skolska knjiga, Publishers, Zagreb, 1977.
28 Macek, V.: In the Struggle for Freedom, Robert Speller and Sons, Publishers, New York, 1957.
29 Turkish Croatia: north-western Bosnia between the Una and Vrbas rivers.

Constitution of the Neutral Peasant Republic of Croatia

as discussed by the 4th sitting of the republican majority of Croatia under the rule of the Ban (head of the government) on the 5th and 6th day of March, 1921, accepted by the 5th sitting of the said republican majority of representatives on the 9th day of April 1921, and promulgated in the sitting of the 26th day of June 1921, in the capital city of Zagreb.
Published by L. Kezman, LL. D., Croatian deputy, Secretary General of the Croatian Republican Peasant Party.
Pittsburgh, Pa., 1923.
NOTE
The present edition of the Constitution of the Neutral Peasant Republic of Croatia has, in the first place, been intended for the members of the Croatian Republican Peasant Organizations in America.
From this edition of the Constitution have been omitted the territorial provisions of Section A, number 2 of its original text, which omission is due to the actual changes effected by the popular vote cast at general elections of March 18, 1923. Pending constitutional amendment by the Assembly, the declaration, contained in the resolutions, passed by the Croatian Representative Assembly on March 25, 1923, stating that Croatia-Slavonia-Dalmatia shall be regarded as indisputable and incontestable territory of the Croatian Nation, may provisionally serve as a formal regulation of the point in question. (See appendix).
It may be taken for granted that amendments relative to territory will abide by the universally acknowledged right of national self-determination as the principle, and the plebiscite to be held within certain bordering areas as the method, by application of which the state territory may be extended or reduced.
Besides territorial regulations there has been omitted from this edition also the political preamble from Section B, number I, entitled “World and home factors which have been at work in making small nations subject of international law.”
Both passages, territorial and introductory, have also been barred from the recent edition of this Constitution published at Zagreb, which fact will remove from my proceeding any possible censure of arbitrariness.
These and such other amendments to this Constitution as may deem necessary to the Nation will be made the subject of deliberations by the respective Assembly, if not earlier, then when the times comes for the Constitution of Croatia to take effect.
That this time is no longer far distance, such is the unanimous conviction of the Croatian people.
Pittsburgh, Penna., August 1st, 1923. Dr. L. K.
A. THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA.
1. NAME OF STATE.
The State shall bear the name: The Neutral Peasant Republic of Croatia.
2. THE STATE TERRITORY OF THE NEUTRAL PEASANT REPUBLIC OF CROATIA.
(See note on page 1st and appendix).
3. CITIZENSHIP.
The citizenship shall be Croatian.
The manner of acquiring the right of a citizen and all other particulars shall be enacted by a special Citizenship Act.
4. THE STATE AND NATIONAL HERALDIC BEARINGS.
The State and National Heraldic Bearings shall consist of a checky shield emblazoned with 12 argent (white) and 13 gules (red) squares with an azure edging and the device of a plough.
5. NATIONAL FLAG.
The State Flag shall be the Croatian national red-white-blue tricolor.
The same flag with the national heraldic shield shall be used as commercial flag.
B. GENERAL.
Origin and Purpose, Characteristics and Principles of the Neutral Peasant Republic of Croatia.
I. World and Home Factors which have been at Work in making small nations subjects of international law.
(See note on page 1st..)
II. Characteristics of the Neutral Peasant Republic of Croatia.
1. ABSOLUTENESS AND CONTINUOUSNESS OF THE NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY. THE REPUBLIC.
The Sovereignty of the Nation is absolute and continuous. It is exercised by the nation through a plebiscite on territorial and constitutional questions, and through its right of initiative and referendum on legislative questions. From this absoluteness and continuousness of the national sovereignty results the perfect and unlimited right of national self-determination in all matters of internal state organization.
Croatia, consequently, is a Plebiscitary Republic.
2. GOVERNMENT BY PEASANT MAJORITY.
According to the established principle of the constitutional democracy, the decision of all state affairs lies in the hands of the majority of representatives returned at a general election.
The peasantry of Croatia, forming the overwhelming majority of the nation, is incontestably entitled to this right of decision the moment it has won that majority at a general election.
Croatia, consequently, is a peasant republic.
3. PEACEFUL DISPOSITION AND NEUTRALITY.
Perfect neutrality in every international conflict, besides the acknowledgment of its right to self- determination, has, ever since the end of the world war, been the very question of every small nation’s existence. A standing army is generally, and among peasants particularly, apt to undermine the foundations of morals, wealth-production, civilization and liberty. For these reasons our plebiscitary republic is pacific and neutral. There shall be no standing army, but all citizens shall have to make themselves fit for the defence of their home and country according to the provisions laid down by a special National Defense Act.
The most elementary military instruction shall always be combined with general instruction as well as with a special teaching of the general principles of wealth- production and with a universal national working obligation.
For the maintenance of internal safety and order a special civil force shall be organized.
4. HUMAN RIGHTS IRRESPECTIVE OF CITIZENSHIP SAFEGUARDED.
For humanity’s sake the following rights shall be safeguarded to every person temporarily or permanently residing on the territory of the Neutral Peasant Republic of Croatia.
a) Personal Safety and Inviolability.
With regard to his or her body every person shall be inviolable. Nobody can be arrested or deprived of his or her personal liberty without a court warrant adducing legal grounds for this proceeding. This warrant shall be read to or served on the person to be arrested before the very act of arrest.
The civil force responsible for the maintenance of public order shall be authorized to arrest without such a warrant persons caught in the very act of a murder, robbery, arson, burglary or theft, and shall immediately hand them over to a court.
The arrested person shall be released, if 24 hours have elapsed after his or her arrest, and the court has failed, in either case, to begin with the investigation of his or her case.
The arrested person shall in no case be kept confined for a longer period than a month after the commencement of the trial.
If the court officers fail to fulfill these two provisions of the Constitution, the prisoner shall be at liberty to leave the prison and nobody shall have the right to prevent him from doing so.
Whosoever violates these provisions, and particularly the police and court officers, shall be personally responsible to the law, and their pleading of having acted upon higher orders shall not be accepted.
The acquitted prisoner shall be entitled to a compensation fixed by law. Every grown-up person shall have the right to sue for redress whenever anything against anybody’s personal safety or inviolability has been done.
b) Punishments.
Capital punishment shall be abolished.
The imprisonment shall be combined with work. During the trial such work shall be imposed upon the prisoner as corresponds with his calling, but after judgement has been pronounced, this must not necessarily be so. Duration, kind and enforcement of such work shall be enacted by a special Act.
There shall be no corporal punishments. Any physical ill-treatment of a person on trial or prisoner shall be punished, unless it be a crime of a legally graver kind, by at least an instantaneous dismissal from service.
c) Freedom of Motion.
Within the boundaries of the State territory of Croatia every grown-up person shall be allowed to go where he or she likes, and live where he or she pleases, and nobody shall be interned or confined or expelled either from a community or from the State. Aliens shall not be extradited to be tried for acts considered in their respective countries as political crimes.
d) Inviolability of Home (Dwelling-Place).
A person’s home (dwelling-place) shall be inviolable. A search-warrant, if justified by law, may be granted only by a court, and a person’s premises shall be searched only by a magistrate himself. A member of the civil force may enter a house only when called for assistance by the inmates.
For the observation of these rules both the police and the court officers shall be personally liable to the law. Under a person’s premises his house, the court-yard, and all farm-buildings are to be understood.
e) Letter Secret and Postal Delivery Safeguarded.
The delivery of postal consignments, particularly of letters and newspapers, shall be guaranteed by a special Act, which shall also provide for the inviolability of the letter secret and for the keeping secret of all telegraphic and telephonic messages.
5. THE FREE PEASANT HOME.
The Peasant State is an organic community of free and organized households.
For the general improvement of every single peasant home (family) there shall be enacted a special Farmer’s Inheritance Act providing also for liberal facilities of peasant husbandry on the lines of the ancient common unwritten social communities law brought into harmony with modern thought and requirements of peasant classes. Another Act shall provide for the exemption of a peasant’s home and property from execution and again another for the internal family organization and authority. The latter act shall also provide for the free establishment of new social communities.
6. FAMILY ORGANIZATION.
The Family is the primary factor of moral education and acquisition of principles on which general culture of mind and production of wealth are based.
A special act shall lay down the duties of the family as to education, culture of mind and teaching of principles of wealth production.
7. PERFECT EQUALITY OF BOTH SEXES.
Both sexes shall have equal rights.
III. Principles of Organization of the Neutral Peasant Republic of Croatia.
1. THE REPUBLIC IS A MORAL COMMUNITY OF SENSIBLE BEINGS.
a) Freedom of Meeting.
The freedom of meeting, being one of the most natural necessities of man, shall be universal.
The authorities shall in no case and for no reason whatever have the power to forbid the holding of a meeting or gathering.
For gatherings and meetings on private premises or on private ground permission shall have to be asked for of the respective owner.
Of a meeting to be held on a public place generally used or otherwise convenient for that purpose the competent authorities for the maintenance of public order shall have to be notified before the commencement of the meeting at the latest by anyone of its organizers either orally or by a written notice which may be simply posted up on the said authorities’ office door.
Meetings in public buildings which are either generally used or otherwise convenient for that purpose, such as public schools, town halls, etc. shall be held by political associations or parties in the same order as they have been notified, and in the same way as in open public places. By the Meeting Act freedom of speech at all meetings shall be safeguarded according to the principle that any interference with a speech held at a meeting, or with the order during the same, forms an infringement of one of the most natural human rights without which there can be no progress. Any infringement of such nature shall be punished by a special punishment.
b) Liberty of Press.
The Press as the chief means of diffusing human thought and knowledge shall be entirely unhampered. No censorship shall be established and no newspaper shall in any case be suppressed.
Only political associations or parties shall be allowed to issue political newspapers. Every article on politics, every notice, and every article referring to a person’s name shall have to bear the full signature of the writer. All leaflets, irrespective of their contents, shall also have to be signed by the author’s full name.
No special licence from the authorities shall be necessary for the starting and issuing of a newspaper. The responsibility for any article shall always rest with the writer except in case of his absence abroad, when the chief of the political association or party (if the article in question has appeared in its paper) shall be held responsible for it. For personal affronts offered through a newspaper the shortest possible procedure shall be enacted by a special act.
c) Liberty of Associating.
No association of any kind whose activities are public and whose members exercise control over its management and property shall need a permission of the authorities for its starting and working.
Political parties which have been publicly formed and have adopted a party program of their own shall be considered as public associations and normal organs of political life.
Membership of secret societies shall be made punishable by law.
d) Responsibility of Public Officers.
Every public officer shall be entitled to obedience to his orders as long as he keeps within the limit of law. Any disobedience to legal orders as well as the issuing of illegal orders shall have immediately to be accounted for in ordinary court and the offender shall be tried according to criminal law.
For injuries done to individuals by either the state or by the officers of the autonomous bodies, the state or the respective autonomous body (parish, county) shall be made answerable for the injured individuals at an ordinary court.
2. THE REPUBLIC IS A WEALTH-PRODUCING ORGANIZATION.
a) Universal Working Duty. Everybody’s Right to Life worthy of man.
Wealth cannot be produced without work. A nation cannot produce wealth, unless every member of the community does his share of work. The most obvious postulate of justice is that everybody should enjoy the fruits of his or her own work.
There shall be no requisitions at all, and in cases of expropriation for common good the manner shall be provided for under an Act. The State as a wealth-producing community shall pass a special Universal Working Duty Act, a General Farming Experience Act, and an act on everybody’s right to life worthy of man.
The peasant majority of the nation shall be engaged in agricultural pursuits in their free homes.
The life interests of this majority are inseparable from those of other wealth-producing classes.
The peasant state shall ensure the regularity of working of all wealth-producing industries, but it shall especially secure the industrial production of the country by the passing of a Working Men’s Rights Act by which to the whole working classes movement adequate consideration shall be given. Nobody shall be obliged to do any work without a consideration. In future there shall be neither commandeering of vehicles nor of labourers for any purpose whatever. A special act shall be passed on the right to strike.
b) The Foundations of the Production of Wealth. Agrarian Reform. Liberty of following a trade or profession.
Farming forms the foundations of the wealth-production.
A special Act shall be passed to the effect that large estate forests, at present in State, Church and private possession be handed over into the nation’s possession so that pasture and timber thereof shall be adequate to meet the wants of every peasant household, and the fuel wood, as far as possible, the requirements of every other citizen. The existing joint Ownership Parishes Act and the Landed Property Communities Act shall be altered in the same spirit.
All state, church and private large estate ownerships shall be abolished. No estate shall be allowed to surpass in extent the largest existing peasant estate in the same county. On the exceptions to that rule, taking into consideration model farming, co- operative progressive farming, and the farming industry, special act shall be passed. By a special Home Colonization Act farmsteads shall be established for the home colonization of farmers on the whole area got by the breaking up of large estates. The same act shall provide for farming areas left uncultivated and for peasant households where there are no children. Moreover, by a special act provision shall be made for the acquisition of farmsteads of their own by peasants who are agricultural labourers and for persons who, though not being peasants, have satisfied the requirements of the General Farming Experience Act. There shall, first and foremost, take place a restitution to the peasantry (Landed Property Communities, social communities and sole owners) of all that landed property which had been taken away from them by an unjust or inaccurate partition of such property (on the occasion of the so called segregation, when the feudal serfdom was abolished). The vested interests of all present owners in such property shall be taken into account inasmuch as they do not collide with the principles set forth above.
In adjudicating compensations for landed property the principal question before the decision of the issue shall be, how a particular large estate has been acquired. The adjudication of compensations for landed property shall be provided for by a special Compensation Act.
Everybody shall be allowed to follow any occupation, and particularly any trade he has learnt and to the extent of his skill. Under a special act special qualification shall be required for the exercise of, and the control shall be established over, professions having any relation to human life or health, or being of primary importance to the people.
Every kind of trade shall be perfectly free, but special tariff advantages shall be granted only to co-operative societies of producers and consumers.
On principle, there shall be no custom duties. Subject to custom duties shall be made by law only articles of luxury, but other kinds of goods only in cases of a foreign state trade policy making the adoption of this course imperative.
c) Banking and Credit.
All the banking business done should go to increase and improve the production, but particularly so of agricultural production.
The Republic will issue paper and metal money as a legal tender for the exchange of goods, and will guarantee for its value.
A special Act shall provide for the encouragement of granting individual credits to farmers and for the promotion of the accumulating co-operative farmers’ savings to enable the farmers to supply their wants, and to exercise control over the transactions of every single banking institution.
A normal development of the whole national economic life is conditioned by an orderly working and organization of parish, county and state finances. The fundamental principles of these finances shall be laid down by the Constitution.
d) General Insurance.
General Insurance shall be enacted by law to provide for the relief of persons suddenly becoming disabled to earn their living and especially for old age, lest anybody should, without his or her own fault, go without the means of living.
In the same manner, lest anybody should suffer loss of property without his or her own fault, general insurance of all property shall be enacted against damage done by elementary disasters such as fire, flood, hail-storm, earthquake, as well as epidemics.
3. THE REPUBLIC AS A CULTURAL ORGANIZATION.
a) Religion.
Religion is the foundation of morals. Religion in general and the Christian doctrine in particular is the foundation of sound education.
Christian Churches and all public religious communities shall enjoy perfect freedom of teaching and professing their religion, of observing their religious rites, and of intercourse with their coreligionists and church authorities without the boundaries the Republic.
b) Judiciary.
Under a special Judges’ Independence Act the separateness of the judiciary from legislature and government as well as the independence of judges shall be safeguarded.
There shall be neither military nor other special courts nor special police and administrative courts.
The court proceedings shall as a rule take place in the centre of the economics parish or, if necessary, on the spot.
Proceedings, at least those in the lowest courts, shall be public and oral. Expeditiousness of legal proceedings shall be enacted under special acts.
The people’s share in the legal proceedings through its jurors and assessors shall be regulated by special laws.
Every person charged with felony or misdemeanor shall be put on his or her trial before the jury.
The jury lists shall be made out in the manner that the majority of the jurors shall consist of peasant household heads of the district of the competent court.
The court shall be competent to examine the laws of the country as to their being in harmony with the Constitution as well as the legality of various decrees. They shall be competent to decide in disputes on competence between the national government and the autonomous authorities as well as in disputes of individual citizens with either the government or the autonomous authorities.
c) Education.
National education in school and without it being a matter of concern of the whole nation, the whole Republic shall take not only the principal care of the national education but shall also, if need be, bear the necessary expenses.
The elementary school shall bear distinctively peasant characteristics having for its primary object a thorough and lasting literacy of the people.
1) School for Literacy.
The economic parish shall in every village (hamlet, place) establish a public school where children and grown-up people shall be taught reading and writing gratuitously. Children shall be supplied with books and stationery gratuitously, and all expenses arising therefrom shall be borne jointly by the parish, the county and the whole Republic as enacted by a special Literacy Act.
2) Common National School.
With regard to the cultural and wealth-producing principles taught in the Common National (elementary) School in villages as well as in towns the said school shall be an eminently peasant institution.
3) General Training of the Youth of the Country to Work. Learning of Russian and German Languages.
All male and female pupils shall, after leaving the Common National (elementary), School. for a period of at least two years, be trained to various practical wealth-producing trades according to the existing facilities or expediency, but always combined with general mind cultivating instruction and practical teaching of the Russian and German languages.
4) National School for General Instruction.
All the existing, so called secondary schools (grammar-schools, secondary schools where ancient languages have been substituted by modern languages, and lyceums) shall be abolished. They shall be substituted by National Schools for General Instruction with a curriculum extending over a period of no more than 4 years. Grown-up people shall also be allowed to attend these schools. Hand in hand with this instruction shall be conducted the training to practical work, either during the scholastic year or during the prolonged vacations.
In these schools there shall be neither marks nor certificates given as in present use, and English shall be taught in them.
Only those pupils who have regularly for two years attended above mentioned practical training courses shall be allowed to attend this National School for General Instruction.
5) Technical and Trade Schools.
Besides National School for General Instruction there shall be established a large number of special technical and trade-school(agricultural, handicraft and commercial schools) where instruction shall be given simultaneously with that in the National Schools for General Instruction.
Besides continuation courses for the Russian and German languages there shall be special courses held in these schools for general instruction.
On leaving the National School for General Instruction students shall have choice to enter schools for learned professions to study for various professions such as schools for agriculture, law, architecture, engineering, surveying, pharmacy, veterinary science, and schools for teachers of elementary schools. The curriculum of these schools shall not extend over more than three years.
The existing University in its present form, pretending to be the highest school, shall be abolished and transformed into a number of scientific institutions. The Faculty of Medicine and the High Technical School (School of Engineering) shall be retained and there shall be established a Professorial Faculty for professors going to be teachers of National Schools for General Instruction and of Schools for various learned professions.
Lectures given at the Professorial Faculty shall be free, but to lectures given at various University scientific institutions shall be admitted only persons (students) able to show at an entrance examination a sufficient knowledge to attend the lectures with profit.
6) Other Educational Institutions not connected with schools.
Private Schools.
The organization of other educational institutions not connected with schools shall be regulated by a special Act.
Anybody may establish various schools and hold courses provided they shall harmonize with the spirit of this Constitution and shall keep within the limit of the School Act.
d) Public Health.
The citizens of the State form the main source of its vitality and intrinsic value. Under a special Public Health Act sanitary administration shall equally be provided both for villages and towns so that even the most indigent part of population shall have the benefit of medical attendance and medicine.
C. SPECIAL SECTION: Organization of the Neutral Peasant Republic of Croatia.
I. Exercise of National Sovereignty.
By virtue of its absolute and continuous sovereignty the nation will organize the whole of its cultural and wealth-producing activities, determine every citizen’s rights and duties and see to their being carried out either directly itself or through the agency of its elected representatives or appointed national officers respectively.
1. DIRECT EXERCISE OF NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY.
The boundaries of the country or state established by the nation’s history can be rectified only by the nation’s plebiscite demanded by a majority of grown- up citizens (electors) of a boundary county.
100,000 citizens can by a petition signed by their own hands demand a plebiscite to be held on the following points:
1.) the convening and the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly;
2.) the closing of a session of the Legislative Assembly before the expiration of its legal period;
3.) the resignation of the president and vice-presidents of the Republic.
30,000 grown-up citizens can by a petition signed by their own hands suggest the passing through the Assembly of a new bill or the making of an amendment or the abolition of an existing law (legislative initiative).
By the same kind of petition the nation may demand a plebiscite for the sanction of any law within a period of 2 months from its having been passed through the Assembly (referendum).
Laws relating to vital national questions – such as alliance with foreign states, raising loans without the boundaries of Croatia, making of laws of the reorganization of land-ownership and inheritance relations (the agrarian reform) – shall have no legal power without this referendum.
The registering of signatures as well as all the business of conducting the plebiscite and the referendum shall be done by the courts as laid down by a special Act.
2. EXERCISE OF NATION’S SOVEREIGNTY THROUGH RETURNED REPRESENTATIVES.
a) National Constituent Assembly. National Legislative Assembly.
Members for the National Constituent Assembly shall be elected in the same way as those for the Legislative Assembly with the difference that for every single member of the former only half the number of votes necessary for the election of the latter shall be required.
It shall assemble a fortnight after the general election has taken place. It shall have sovereign powers and shall dissolve itself of its own will.
If three months have elapsed after its convening, the nation may address a petition to the president of the Republic demanding a plebiscite on the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. This petition must bear original signatures of at least 100,000 citizens.
All laws are made by the National Legislative Assembly whose members are elected for a period of 4 years. The suffrage is universal, exercised equally by men and women voters, the only restriction being the age which must not be less than 18 years.
Statutory elections shall take place on the first Sunday in September, but if the Assembly has been dissolved, they shall be held on 9th Sunday after its dissolution.
The number of representatives is not fixed, but depends on the number of given votes.
A representative is elected, if 6000 electors have voted for him.
Every party shall put forward a list for its candidates for all constituencies of Croatia. By the same act of voting for a candidate the voters vote also for the candidate’s party. A candidate for whom 6000 voters have voted shall be considered as elected. Any number of votes failing to reach this total or exceeding it shall be accounted in favor of the candidate’s party.
Besides those candidates who have been elected representatives by receiving the full 6000 votes, every party shall be allotted the number of representatives resulting from the division of the remaining total of given votes by 6000, the mode of the allotment being as follows. The candidate who has received the largest majority of votes next 6000, shall be elected first and so on until the remainder of the sum total of votes to be divided in this manner has been reached. If this latter remainder exceeds 3000 votes, one more representative shall be allotted to the party which has got them.
Every citizen possessing the right of voting shall be eligible for a representative.
Elections shall take place in parishes. They shall be conducted by courts. Under a special Act delegates of every party interested in the contest shall be admitted. The Board of Seven (the highest court of justice) shall examine and determine the validity of the return of every single elected representative.
The ordinary session of the Assembly shall begin on the 15th October and end on the 15th March. The assembly shall sit without interruption on weekdays only.
Extraordinary sessions may be summoned:
1) if demanded by one fifth of representatives;
2) if the Assembly convenes after having previously been dissolved;
3) if a petition with legal initiative has been presented by the nation;
4) if a question of immunity of a member arises; and lastly
5) if a substitute of the president has to be elected.
Every debate must be attended by at least one third of all the representatives, and when a vote is going to be proposed, by at least one half.
National representatives i.e. members of the Constituent Assembly and the Legislative Assembly shall enjoy not only general personal inviolability which is guaranteed to them as to human beings, but they shall also enjoy an absolute immunity for anything they have said or written in the Assembly or without it during the period of their being representatives, irrespective of the Assembly sitting or not, as well as during the time of the dissolution of the Assembly until the elections have taken place.
For none of his doing, either in speech or in writing, during that period shall a representative ever be called to account.
If a representative should be caught in the very act of committing a crime involving the loss of his claim to immunity from the arrest safeguarded to any person by this Constitution, notice shall at once be given to the president of the Assembly. The president shall, if the Assembly is in session, on the same day, and if in recess, within three days, assemble the Sessional Committee of Immunity which shall by a vote of two thirds of all its members present decide whether judicial proceedings should be instituted against that member or not. This resolution shall have to be adopted by the whole body of representatives of the Assembly within 3 days, if the same is sitting, and within 8 days, if not.
But, if all the measures as here set down have not been taken, such a representative shall be considered free and shall be at liberty to leave the prison, and no person, under personal responsibility, shall have any right to prevent him from doing so.
For any other action done by a member only the Assembly shall have the power to declare that member deprived of his privilege of immunity on the motion of two thirds of the members of the Immunity Committee.
The Privilege of Immunity shall become operative the moment, when the District or the Chief Election Committee has declared a candidate elected by a sufficient number of votes, and it shall become void the moment, when the Chief Election Committee has ascertained the number of the newly elected representatives.
The right of voters to be elected representatives themselves being practically another aspect of the right of voting of all the electors and consequently an act of national sovereignty, any check to personal liberty of an elected representative, on whatever valid judgement it might have been based, shall be stopped the moment, when the privilege of Immunity has taken effect.
b) County Meeting.
The County Meeting shall consist of an equal number of delegates from all the associated economic parishes forming a county. These delegates shall be elected by the Parish Meeting for a period of 4 years from among all grown-up parishioners. They shall be elected at the same election as the parish councillors.
Every two years half the number of the members of the County Meeting shall be re-elected.
The County Meeting shall be empowered to make by-laws within the limits of its autonomy.
The management of the county affairs shall be conducted according to the established principles of progressive community co- operation by the County Administration Committee presided over by a president called zupan.
This committee and its president shall be elected by the County Meeting.
c) Parish Meeting, Parish Council.
Parish Meeting shall consist of all grown-up parishioners of unblemished character. It shall assemble, discuss and conduct business on the principles of progressive community co-operation. The Parish Meeting shall elect the parish councillors whose president shall be called mayor (nacelnik).
It shall have the power fo making by-laws within the limits of its autonomy.
II. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLIC
1. EXERCISE OF THE NATIONAL SELF-GOVERNMENT.
The whole existing political administration shall be abolished, and the division of the country into political administrative parishes, political administrative districts and political administrative counties shall disappear.
The existing, purely political, administration, largely supported by the police force, shall be substituted by the administration on economical and sanitary principles.
a.) The Peasant’s Household or Home.
The fundamental unit of this administration shall be the peasant’s household or home i. e. every farm (homestead) as the primary wealth-producing and educational unit bearing the general national characteristics.
These national characteristics shall mainly depend on the number of the members of a farmer’s family and each representative (male or female) of such a farmer’s family or farmer’s household a respectively shall be given, under a the Economic Parishes Act, as many votes in the parish as there are persons in his family.
The legal titles and position of town-residing families and particularly of the working class families as well as of all families having no home (homestead) of their own shall be formulated by a special Act.
b) Economic Parish.
The primary territorial unit of the whole of this administration shall be the economic parish which shall, as a rule, consist of every village by itself, but where people want it or circumstances require it, it shall consist of several small villages or hamlets, principally of such only as are within the limit of a landed property community or a parish forming at present one tax-collecting unit. A special Economic Parishes Autonomy Act shall be passed on the principles of the general and special peasant progressive community co-operation.
The extent of the sphere of the parish autonomy shall be the same as that of the county, and shall be limited only by actual ability of exercising it. The economic parish as a member of a county shall perform only those duties the performance of which it has voluntarily engaged, and it is only through this function that it shall be considered as an organ of the county.
To meet the expenses incurred by its own sphere of activity the parish shall possess quite independent means obtained by levying of parish rates (sources of taxation and amount of rates to be fixed by the parish council) e. g. tobacco-growing, distilling alcoholic drinks and other similar taxes not imposed by the state itself.
c) County
Counties are formed by the voluntary association of economic parishes. They form organizations of a wider area and simultaneously of a higher degree of wealth-production, education and national health. Their sphere of action shall be laid down by a special County Organization Act.
Under this act the manner of Association of economic parishes into permanent county areas shall be enacted. All economic parishes within the boundaries of the existing political districts shall without delay join to form temporary counties, and the management of their affairs shall remain in the hands of the existing county and district qualified civil service staffs.
Under a special County Self- Government Act the county shall retain its independence in all matters except those belonging to the state sphere of action, such being: country finance, national defense, judiciary (with a special organization of its own), schools, from the National School for General Instruction upwards, as well as all matters bearing upon the production of wealth, means of communication and public health inasmuch as the last mentioned three relate to the whole country or fall within the sphere of international agreements and obligations respectively.
The government of the country cannot make the county its organ in any sphere of its activities, but it may attach to the county civil service staff special government expert officers whose duty shall be to perform functions having reference to matters concerning the whole state.
To meet the expenses incurred by the management of affairs within its own sphere of activity the county shall possess independent financial means of its own.
Both the economic parish and the county shall be autonomous (self-governing) in the fullest sense of these words. These words mean that both the parish and the county shall have the power, with in the limits of the law, to make their own by-laws with binding legal power, and that they shall not be interfered with either by the President of the Republic or the government of the country.
A special Poor Parishes and Counties Grants Act shall lay down the manner of granting poor parishes and counties of the whole republic financial aid for all those needs which are of common national interest.
The parish by-laws shall be made by the Parish Meeting and those of the county by the County Meeting. These by-laws shall be submitted to the national Government with the only purpose of having them examined as to their keeping within the limits of the Parish and County Autonomy Act.
If the national Government be of opinion that these limits have been exceeded, the by-laws shall at once be presented to the Board of Seven who shall have to decide the matter at issue within a month at the latest. If the said Board does not decide it within that period, the Government shall return the by-laws to the parish or county respectively provided with the only remark that they have been examined. In no case shall the by-laws remain with the Government longer than a month.
d) Municipal Self-Government.
The title of Royal Free Town shall be abolished.
The economic parishes shall in future not be allowed to unite with urban districts, whereas the former rural administrative parishes and the individual urban districts belonging to the same tax-collecting areas and having a predominant peasant population shall be allowed under Economic Parishes Act to separate from urban districts and join the economic counties.
Under a special Urban Districts Self-Government Act towns shall be given autonomy on the same scale as economic counties so that the working classes, the tradespeople and the remaining wealth- producing town population shall actually have in their hands the decision in all matters of town government through the town-council elected on the principle of the universal secret equal suffrage.
2. EXERCISE OF NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY THROUGH THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.
National affairs shall be administered by the President of the Republic together with the National Government.
a) National Affairs.
The principal national affairs are:
1) Administration of justice.
2) Production of Wealth of the Nation.
3) National Education and Instruction.
4) National Health.
5) National Defense.
6) Permanent Relations with other Nations and States.
7) State Finance.
A minister shall be entrusted with the management of each of these departments. He must possess adequate qualification necessary for the efficient working of his department. He may be, but need not be a member of the National Assembly. He shall conduct business with the help of other specialty qualified officers (deputy ministers) each of whom shall be the head of a special ministry sub-department.
The specially qualified officers at the head of various ministry sub-departments shall be called deputy ministers. They shall perform their work according to the instructions received from the minister and under the control of specially delegated Assembly Commissioners chosen from among the representatives.
A special Government, Organization Act shall lay down the controlling duties of the Controlling Assembly Commissioners and the duties of the deputy ministers.
b) The President of the Republic (Ban.)
At the head of the administration of National Affairs shall be the president of the Republic, called also Ban. He shall be elected for a period of 4 years by a plebiscite to be held on the first Sunday of May and shall enter upon his office on the 1-st of July of the same year.
Any person entitled to be elected a representative shall also be eligible for the president, if nominated by 60,000 electors or by that party of the Assembly which has received that number of votes at last election. The two vice- presidents shall also be chosen at the same election.
In case of the president’s death, resignation, absence or inability (indisposition or otherwise) the first vice-president shall act as his substitute during his absence or till the end of the period for which he has been elected. The second vice-president shall act as the substitute of the first vice- president in the same way in all above mentioned cases.
As president elect and vice- presidents elect respectively shall be considered those candidates for whom the largest number of electors has voted. The president cannot be simultaneously a representative nor can the vice- presidents act as representatives so long as they are performing the duties of a vice president.
The official residence of the president shall be the city of Zagreb.
The president is the representative of the Republic and the head of the National Government, the members of which he alone shall be authorized to appoint and remove. He shall choose the various members of the Government from among the representatives of the National Assembly and other citizens.
The National Government shall administer all national affairs under the political responsibility of the president, and the president shall be responsible for his policy only to the nation.
The Nation as well as the Assembly can, the former by a petition with 100,000 original signatures registered within a month, the latter by means of a resolution carried by two thirds of all its members, demand the president’s resignation.
On the 4th Sunday after the Board of Seven have found that the petition submitted has been properly signed or 4 weeks after the resolution demanding the president’s resignation has been passed by the Assembly, a plebiscite using the formula: “the president so and so has to resign” or “has not to resign” shall be held.
If the plebiscite decides for the president’s resignation, not only the president but also both the vice-presidents shall resign. The Assembly shall, if sitting, without delay, with a simple majority and within 24 hours after the plebiscite at the latest, and, if not sitting, within 8 days, elect the deputy president.
On the 4th Sunday after the deputy president’s election a general election shall take place with the purpose of electing the new president. If between the deputy president’s election and the first Sunday of May there should happen to be an interval of only 6 months or less, the said extraordinary president’s election shall not take place, but the president who had been newly elected at an ordinary election shall enter upon his office as soon as the Board of Seven have declared him elected. The president who has been elected at an extraordinary election shall also immediately enter upon his office.
A special Presidential Election Act shall be passed upon presidential election, on the president’s entering upon office, and on every change in the presidency of the Republic.
c) Relations to other Nations and States.
The Republic of Croatia will never use secret diplomacy in international affairs and will not recognize any secret international treaties.
The Neutral Peasant Republic of Croatia is a living member of the great human community which is slowly but surely undergoing the transformation into a great world federative republic.
The Ministry for Foreign Affairs shall have no so-called diplomatists. Abroad, the Republic, of Croatia as an organization of both peculiarly Croatian and general human wealth-producing and cultural elements shall have only her consuls whose duty shall be to watch her commercial and cultural interests. Their main care shall be to look after life, health and well-being of her citizens abroad.
d) Defence and Safety of Home and Country.
There shall be no Universal Military standing army training Duty in the Republic. It shall be substituted by an universal national working duty system including the general obligation of home and country defence. Every person living within the territory of the republic shall be required for a period of 6 months to do work for the republic as specified by the Universal Working Duty Act.
For the most part of this period, but at least for 4 months, every person shall have to do work of public utility such as building roads, hydraulic and drainage work, etc., tending to the raising of the productivity of soil and other kinds of similar public work with the purpose of cutting down national expenditure as much as possible by enabling the Government to dispense with paid work.
Less time, but no more than two months, of this period shall be employed on all kinds of physical exercise and on the special t training for the defence of Home and Country (militia). If any special training should require more time, the fittest men shall, if necessary, be chosen, who shall then devote even full 6 months to that training.
The Universal National Working Duty can be imposed on women only by a plebiscite which shall be held as soon as demanded by a petition of 30,000 grown-up inhabitants of the Republic, but women shall be employed only near their homes, and in such a manner that neither their honour nor health shall suffer in any way.
Everybody’s duty to defend his home and country shall last to his death.
With the national defence shall be combined also the organization of a special civil force for the maintenance of public order. The training required for the commanders of this civil force as well as the headquarters of the respective militia districts shall be fixed by a special Act. The area of this militia districts shall correspond to that of jurisdictional and tax-collecting districts.
e) State Finance.
Progressive income-tax as the principal state tax shall be imposed by a special Act. Every year, during the budget debate, the National Assembly shall fix the amount of the income-tax based on the assessment of the tax-payers, proportionally to their income, according to the progressive principle i. e. the larger the income the larger the percentage of the income-tax.
The amount of the income absolutely necessary for a person’s subsistence shall be fixed by law and shall not be taxed with more than 1 per cent.
On the income-tax no rates shall be levied.
Revenue-taxes can be imposed only by the National Assembly, but county and parish rates respectively only by the county and parish meeting respectively.
No one can be exempted from taxation.
Neither taxes nor any kinds of rates shall be imposed on the most necessary means of supporting life such as bread and flour, salt, milk, kerosine.
No state, county or parish moneys shall be expended unless their expenditure has been provided for by the budget, the county, or parish estimates respectively.
The annual budget shall be debated and voted upon by the National Assembly, and shall remain in force only a calendar year.
The National Government shall present to the National Assembly the budget for the coming year together with the statement of income and outgoings for the previous year. The National Assembly shall have no power to raise the various items of expenditures as forecasted in the estimates, but it shall have the power to cut them down or even to strike them off. If there should happen to be any savings, the Assembly alone shall be authorized to decide what use should be made of them.
The state, county and parish estimates respectively shall always be debated and voted upon for the coming financial year. If the state, county or parish estimates respectively for the coming year have not been voted for, nobody shall be obliged to pay those state taxes, and county or parish rates respectively which have not yet been voted for by the National Assembly, the County and the Parish Councils, so long as the said estimates lack the sanction of these bodies. Any demand for payment of such taxes and rates by the authorities or even unauthorized enforcement of such payments shall be punished as an abuse of official authority.
The exclusive right (monopoly) to sell certain articles of general consumption shall be reserved to, and shall be exercised only by, the Republic.
Under the Auditors’ Act a special Government Audit Department shall be established with the purpose of auditing all State accounts.
Under the Auditors’ Independence, Qualification and Responsibility Act the independence competence and responsibility before the Board of Seven of the whole audit official staff shall be safeguarded.
The duties of the Audit Department shall be to examine and correct the state, county and parish estimates in the manner specified by a special act and authorize the appropriation of state, county and parish moneys granted. It shall further watch the keeping of expenditure within the limits of the budget. It shall moreover point out those items of county and parish expenditure which have exceeded the amount by the county and parish estimates, and it shall finally close the State accounts.
The Audit Department shall present the annual budget financial statement with a report and a freely expressed comment thereon, through the president of the Republic to the National Assembly for the final examination and sanction within reasonable time to enable the National Government to present to the Assembly the Financial Statement for the past year simultaneously with the budget for the coming year.
For each district forming a tax-collecting area the Republic shall establish a tax-collecting office. The area of these districts shall coincide with that of jurisdictional and militia district. They shall be smaller than the existing administrative districts, but larger than the existing administrative parishes, the aim of the Republic being to facilitate the collection of taxes by tax-collecting offices in all the parishes of their area.
3. ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.
Sentences shall be pronounced in the name of justice and law.
Courts of justice can be established and abolished only by law.
Judges shall be independent. They can be neither removed to another place, nor pensioned off before the completion of their 65th year, nor dismissed against their own will unless a competent judgement has been pronounced against them for bad behavior.
After the completion of his 65th year every judge must retire with a pension.
Vacancies on the staff of judges of Low Courts shall be filled on the competitive system, the High Court giving preference in appointments to those competitors who have been longest in the possession of a qualifying examination certificate. Judges for the Court of Appeal and the Board of Seven shall be chosen by the members of these courts themselves among the whole body of judges and barristers of the country.
The first judges of all courts to be appointed shall be nominated by the president of the republic himself. Judges shall not be classed according to their salaries which shall be increased gradually and automatically after a certain number of years to be fixed by law, according to the length of service.
One hundred of grown-up citizens (male or female) of unblemished character earning their own livelihood, and at least 30 years old can by a petition signed by their own hands demand from the Board of Seven that an official enquiry should be instituted against a judge. Such an enquiry shall commence at once and shall be terminated within a month at the latest by a judgement pronounced jointly by the court and the jury.
The area to be served by the lowest courts shall be determined by a special law. These areas shall be called jurisdictional districts and coincide with the tax collecting and militia districts respectively.
III. Final Organization Work of the Neutral Peasant Republic of Croatia.
Acts by which the provisions of the Constitution are carried out and supplemented.
All Acts mention of which is made in this Constitution shall form an integral whole together with the Constitution. They are to be made by the Assembly during its first ordinary session or during the summer extraordinary session of the same year, as the case may be.
APPENDIX
Resolutions of the Croatian Representative Body, Returned at General Election on March 18, 1923, Passed in its First Plenary Sitting, Held at Zagreb, The Capital City of Croatia, on March 25, 1923.
The Representative Body of the Croatian Nation returned at the general election hold on the territory of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes on the March 18, 1923., i. e., the overwhelming majority of the total number of representatives elected within the indisputable territory of the Croatian Nation (Croatia-Slavonia-Dalmatia), to wit, 61 out of 83, and a minority of representatives from Bosnia and Herzegovina – 9 out of 48 – this minority being supported for the first time in the Bosnian history by both Mussulman and Catholic Croats united in the great movement for a new type of government based on social justice, which movement is as early as now backed by the majority of Bosnian population – passed in its first plenary sitting of the March 25, 1923, held at Zagreb, the capital city of Croatia, the resolutions as follows:
I
The Croatian Representative Body accepts, agrees to, and approves of, all declarations, resolutions, policies and, in the main, all proceedings of the late Representative Body returned at the elections of Nov. 28, 1920. Accordingly, this Representative Body regards itself as the sole legal and legitimate successor of the Croatian Parliament (Sabor) of Zagreb, which de jure never has discontinued to exist, since it could be neither dissolved nor abolished by any act not emanating from the Constituent Assembly of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, but only by passage of a resolution or act voted upon by the said Constituent Assembly and adopted by a qualified majority of the said Assembly under exclusion of any outvoting, these conditions being required by the resolution of the Croatian Parliament passed on October 29, 1918, but which resolution has been infringed upon by the Belgrade men in power.
This Representative Body regards itself, as well as the Representative Body elected in 1920 regarded itself, as Parliament (Sabor) of the Croatian Nation. In omitting, however, a formal installation as parliament it does so only to ward off the danger of civil or internal war, which, from the pacifist and humanitarian standpoint of this Representative Body, would be a crime and an evil even more atrocious than an international war.
II
The foundations of the policy of this Representative Body shall remain:
1) Interpreting, respecting, and enforcing the will of the Croatian people;
2) Full and unlimited right of national self-determination;
3) Practical pacifism and real humanitarianism, which for our country can be secured only through its organization and recognition as a neutral peasant republic.
III
A just and durable agreement between the Croatian Nation and the Serbian Nation shall constitute, as well as it did heretofore, one of the chief tasks of the policies of the Croatian Representative Body.
This Representative Body considers the humanitarian and republican program of the Croatian people as the first and foremost aim to be realized. It is this very aim towards which all efforts shall be directed and on which depends the solution of the question, whether or not a delegation of Croatian representatives shall be sent to Belgrade.
IV
The Croatian Representative Body regards the actual common international frontiers of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a territorial adjustment most suitable to the present political conditions in Europe, this being so both from the Croatian national point of view and from the European point of view.
It is so from the Croatian point of view, because the Croatian people have been united within the common frontiers of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as never before in their history, and more especially so, because those common frontiers embrace now, after centuries of separation, the whole incontrovertible territory of the Croatian Nation (Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia), whose more than millennial continuity as a sovereign and more or less independent state has never been interrupted from 852 AD to October 29, 1918, on which day the Croatian Parliament in Zagreb proclaimed Croatia (Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia) a fully independent state. This full independence of the Croatian state did immediately take effect in the practical exercise of this independence under recognition by the kingdom of Serbia, after which Croatia effected the mutual association with Bosnia, Herzegovina, Slovenia, Batchka, Banat, Barania into a federative republic with its center in Zagreb, which republic was officially styled “The state of the National Council of the Slovenes, Croats and Serbs” and was in a solemn way recognized by the kingdom of Serbia under a special treaty agreed upon, and signed, at Geneva, November 9, 1918, by the Serbian government (Nikola Pashich) and representatives of all Serbian parliamentary parties on the Serbian part, and by Dr. Koroshetz and Dr. Trumbich on the part of the National Council of Zagreb.
Furthermore, this actual community of international frontiers among the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes is a question of European and universal interest, because every change of these common frontiers – and particularly a violent one – would be able to provoke such conflicts and, on the part of certain neighbors, such pretensions as would endanger European and even world peace.
V
The Croatian Representative Body regards as null and void and as non- binding upon the Croatian Nation, and consequently, lacking any legal and moral value, all laws, regulations, ordinances and other acts issued or imposed by the government of Belgrade as far as they affect the indisputable national territory of Croatia, because all these laws, rules, regulations and acts have been made without any previous consultation of, or approbation by, the Croatian Parliament; have been made contrary to the clearly expressed will, and in spite of reiterated protests, and without any concurrence, of the Croatian Representative Body elected in 1920; finally, because the enforcement of these laws, rules, regulations and decrees is tolerated, and the Belgrade men of power are obeyed, by the Croatian people only as far as the latter are forced to do so under the pressure of threats of armed force or under the real application of that force.
In particular, this Representative Body, resuming the resolutions of the late Representative Body returned in November, 1920, declares and proclaims as null and void, and without any binding force on Croatia (Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia) both all Belgrade acts passed on loans and all acts, rules, regulations and decisions through which the Belgrade men in power have aimed and still are aiming to deprive Croatia of her national and state property, and at settling the great economical and social problems on lines contrary both to the centennially established principles of peasant freehold and to the existing landed property conditions, over which the political authorities, and still much less the agents of the Ministry of Police, have no legal power, this especially being so of the important problem of agrarian reform.
VI
This Representative Body considers, as did the late Representative Body, the whole administration of the Belgrade government over Croatia as a mere usurpation, against which a continuous resistance is practiced both by the Croatian people as a whole and by the overwhelming majority of the Croats as individual citizens, so that this usurpation is incapable of establishing any tolerable, much less settled, political and economical conditions. If the innumerable acts of violence, lawlessness and ordinary crimes perpetrated by the agents of Belgrade authorities, particularly the barbarous every day bastinado of citizens, civilians and soldiers, the cruel torturing in all, and in particular in military prisons, have caused no revolution, civil war, and foreign intervention this fact is to be ascribed only and solely to the high standard of general consciousness of Croatian people and to the extraordinary strength of their political organization able both to keep the Belgrade oppression and violence within certain limits and to maintain the general conviction that such a political ability and organization accompanied by the triumphant electoral results of March 18, 1923, will finally awaken such an interest of the public opinion of European nations and more especially the attention of the League of Nations all to inspire the Belgrade men of power with the respect for the self-determination of the Croatian people, unless their love for justice and a correct understanding of interests common to both peoples, Croatian and Serbian, are not strong enough to incline them to that respect.
VII
The Croatian Representative Body in concordance with the new international public law regards itself fully equal to every parliament. In the event of failure of all attempts to come to a just agreement with the Serbian people, the condition of which agreement is that the Croatian political and national equality with the Serbian political and national individuality shall be recognized, this Representative Body will apply for support to all European and other parliaments, particularly to the congress of the United States of America, which in its courses of action is not bound by those regards which to an extent restrict European parliaments and which in its highly favorable position may, prior to any other, take into consideration the most important fact that the Croatian people in their claim to independence are not only perfectly unanimous, but also possess all cultural, social, economical and political prerequisites for actual exercise of their sovereignty, so that they are in no need of any military, financial or any other foreign help whatsoever, and want only a purely moral support.
An appeal from such an authority will probably persuade the Belgrade government that now, after the world war, and almost in the very center of Europe, it may not by most brutal and most violent methods of the darkest periods of the Middle Ages continue to carry out a regime of oppression and plunder over the whole Croatian Nation under the mendacious plea of the existence of one tri-named nation of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.